Displaying: 41-60 of 454 documents

0.222 sec

41. Augustinianum: Volume > 30 > Issue: 1
Robert B. Eno How Original is Vigilius of Thapsus?
42. Augustinianum: Volume > 30 > Issue: 2
Jeremy Driscoll A Key for Reading the Ad Monachos of Evagrius Ponticus
43. Augustinianum: Volume > 30 > Issue: 2
Susanna Elm The Sententiae ad Virginem by Evagrius Ponticus and the Problem of Early Monastic Rules
44. Augustinianum: Volume > 30 > Issue: 2
Roland J. Teske The Image and Likeness of God in St. Augustine’s De Genesi ad Litteram Liber Imperfectus
45. Augustinianum: Volume > 32 > Issue: 1
Russell J. DeSimone Again the Kenosis of Phil. 2,6-11: Novatian, Trin. 22
46. Augustinianum: Volume > 32 > Issue: 1
Carol Harrison The childhood of man in early Christian writers: (Theophilus, Irenaeus, Clement)
47. Augustinianum: Volume > 32 > Issue: 2
Roland J. Teske Augustine’s Epistula X: Another Look at deificari in otio
48. Augustinianum: Volume > 32 > Issue: 2
Walter Dunphy Marius Mercator on Rufinus the Syrian: Was Schwartz mistaken?
49. Augustinianum: Volume > 32 > Issue: 2
Caroline P. Bammel Augustine, Origen and the Exegesis of St. Paul
50. Augustinianum: Volume > 33 > Issue: 1/2
Susanna Elm Athanasius of Alexandria’s Letter to the Virgins: who was its intended audience?
51. Augustinianum: Volume > 33 > Issue: 1/2
Robert Dodaro Christus sacerdos: Augustine’s Polemic Against Roman Pagan Priesthoods in De ciuitate Dei
52. Augustinianum: Volume > 61 > Issue: 1
Samuel Fernández “Begotten” and “Created”. The Synod of Ancyra (358 C.E.) on the Perfect Birth of the Son of God
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
The present article seeks to reconstruct the Christological meaning of the verbs “creating” and “begetting” in the Synodical letter of Ancyra (358). In order to assess the teaching of this document, the first part of the article provides an overview of the Christological use of “creating” and “begetting” from the beginning of the Arian crisis up to the eve of the synod of Ancyra. The second part studies the verbs “creating” and “begetting” in the Letter of Ancyra. The synodical document makes an original and significant theological effort, purifying and complementing both the notion of “creation” (Prv 8:22) and “generation” (Prv 8:25), in order to grasp the perfect notion of the eternal birth of the Son. This understanding is confirmed by Hilary of Poitiers.
53. Augustinianum: Volume > 61 > Issue: 1
Jan Dominik Bogataj Trinitarian Doctrine in Fortunatian of Aquileia’s Commentarii in evangelia
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
The purpose of this paper is to examine the Fortunatian’s Christology and Trinitarian theology that can be deduced from his recently found work Commentarii in evangelia and, by doing so, to present a general re-evaluation of his role in the political-doctrinal clashes at the middle of the 4th century. By investigating Fortunatian’s (Trinitarian) theology in relation to the prior early Latin Trinitarian doctrine and to different heterodox traditions, and ascertaining his doctrinal standpoint in the Arian controversy of the middle of the 4th century, his doctrine reveals itself to be far more Catholic and “pro-Nicene” – though remaining deeply rooted in the Latin theological tradition – that it was regarded before.
54. Augustinianum: Volume > 61 > Issue: 1
Rashad Rehman Sana oculos meos: Alypius’ Curiositas in Augustine’s Confessiones (6, 8, 13)
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Augustine’s commentary on Alypius’ curiositas at the gladiatorial show (6, 8, 13) recounts one of the most well-known stories in Augustine’s Confessiones. Despite the various interpretations or explications of the story in Augustinian scholarship, this paper argues that the story centres around Alypius’ curiositas as a function of Alypius’ preceding, morally deficient character. The author provides a fourfold, cumulative and philological case for this thesis. He develops this case by means of four evidences. First, Augustine uses the phraseology of animus forti temperantia (6, 7, 12), the virtuous character describing Alypius when he had overcome his love of the gladiatorial games. Second, Augustine distinguishes between “supreme” and “a surface level” virtue, the existence of which is best explained by its application in Augustine’s remark that Alypius had been audax rather than fortis. Third, Augustine uses the language of talis in reference to Alypius, a term describing sorts or kinds of things or persons; in this context, this is the language of character. Finally, Augustine’s use of adhuc implies that there is a type of character Alypius had been, the remedy of which was to acquire an animus forti temperantia. The author then argues that Augustine envisions that the healing of curiositas (as a vice) is from God, especially when a virtuous character – the means by which one is able to overcome curiositas – itself is articulated as a gift of God’s grace. The response to such healing, then, is gratitude. The author concludes that this paper contributes both to a more comprehensive interpretation of the Alypius narrative (6, 8, 13) as well as contemporary scholarship on Augustine’s relation to (psychotherapeutic) healing.
55. Augustinianum: Volume > 61 > Issue: 1
Geoffrey D. Dunn Augustine on the Rich Man and Lazarus (Lk 16:19-31)
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Augustine’s interpretation of the parable of the rich man and Lazarus from Lk 16 shows how much the parables of Jesus are open to a variety of interpretations and applications depending upon which part of the parable is emphasised. In Augustine’s writings the second part of the parable only is commented upon (the exception being ep. 157) to illustrate points about the afterlife and the fate of the soul. However, in his homilies we find him engaging with both sections of the parable (this life and the afterlife). We can note the dexterity with which Augustine handled diverse themes in the parable by selectively emphasising either the fate of the rich man in this life or the next or the fate of Lazarus in this life or the next. From these different perspectives Augustine could deal with questions of wealth and poverty either materially or spiritually. This research supports the notion that whatever Augustine had to say about almsgiving is to be understood within a soteriological context to urge his congregation to be rich in humility and poor in pride.
56. Augustinianum: Volume > 61 > Issue: 1
John Joseph Gallagher History, Eschatology, and the Development of the Six Ages of the World: Part I: From Antiquity to Tyconius
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
The sex aetates mundi constituted the defining framework for understanding biblical and salvation history in the Early Christian and Late Antique worlds. The origins of the idea that history can be divided into six epochs, each lasting roughly a thousand years, are commonly attributed to Augustine of Hippo. Although Augustine’s engagement with this notion significantly influenced its later popularity due to the prolific circulation of his works, he was by no means the sole progenitor of this concept. This bipartite study undertakes the first conspectus in English-speaking scholarship to date of the origins and evolution of the sex aetates mundi. Part I of this study traces the early origins of historiographical periodisation in writings from classical and biblical antiquity, taking account in particular of the role of numerology and notions of historical eras that are present in biblical texts. Expressions of the world ages in the writings of the Church Fathers are then traced in detail. Due consideration is afforded to attendant issues that influenced the six ages, including calendrical debates concerning the age of the world and the evolution of eschatological, apocalyptic, and millenarian thought. Overall, this article surveys the myriad intellectual and exegetical currents that converged in Early Christianity and Late Antiquity to create this sixfold historiographical and theological framework. The first instalment of this study lays the groundwork for understanding Augustine’s engagement with this motif in his writings, which is treated in Part II.
57. Augustinianum: Volume > 61 > Issue: 1
A.E.T. McLaughlin Lives, Lives, and Afterlives: The Exemplary Pedagogy of Caesarius of Arles
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Caesarius of Arles in his role as bishop struggled to guide his growing Christian community amid the political and religious fragmentation of early sixth-century Gaul. This article examines the ways in which he shaped his pastoral pedagogy to address the ecclesiological challenges of the post-Roman world. In his own life, in retelling the lives of saints, and in publishing his sermons, Caesarius variously reconceptualized “example” in order to teach ordinary Christians how to live out their faith in a universal church – a stable, if idealized, community that brought comfort in uncertain times. His innovative pedagogy also reshaped the complex administration of the expanding Gallic church. Caesarius thus created a pedagogy of example to fit the needs of his post-Roman community.
58. Augustinianum: Volume > 61 > Issue: 2
Gianmario Cattaneo Τὰ ἀκριβῆ τῶν ἀντιγράφων: Some Considerations on Eusebius of Caesarea, Severus of Antioch, and the Ending of the Gospel of Mark
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
The present article concerns the problem of the different endings of the Gospel of Mark according to Eusebius of Caesarea, Quaestiones ad Marinum, 1, 1-3 and Severus of Antioch, Homily 77, 16, 1, which is largely based on Eusebius’ Quaestiones ad Marinum. The author proposes a new interpretation of Eusebius’ passage by comparing it with what Severus of Antioch says in his Homily. The final chapter deals with a possible allusion to a lost Quaestio ad Marinum in Severus’ Homily.
59. Augustinianum: Volume > 61 > Issue: 2
John Joseph Gallagher History, Eschatology, and the Development of the Six Ages of the World: Part II: From Tyconius to Bede
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
The sex aetates mundi was the central framework of Early Christian, Late Antique, and early medieval Christian eschatology and historiography. This article is the second part of a study of the development and history of this motif. Part I (published in Augustinianum 61, 1 [2021]) summarised the emergence of this framework in biblical and patristic writings up to the late fourth-century, concluding with the work of the North African theologian, Tyconius. The second part of this study investigates the treatment of this subject in the writings of Augustine of Hippo, Dionysius Exiguus, Isidore of Seville, and the Venerable Bede. The majority of the examination is devoted to tracing Augustine’s understanding of the six ages – which was strongly influenced by Tyconius – since Augustine is frequently credited with being the main proponent of this conceptualisation of sacred history. This investigation of Augustine’s writings is mostly focused on De civitate Dei, the work that addresses the six ages framework most thoroughly, but analyses references to this historiography throughout his corpus. The conclusion of this examination argues that Augustine engaged with this commonplace view of history, but only insofar as it points mankind towards reflection of the world to come. This study argues that Isidore is the scholar who should be credited with popularising this notion in the early medieval Latin West. How the developments in calendrical reckoning put forward by Dionysius Exiguus and Bede intersect with and influence the six ages model is also charted. Overall, this study provides an in-depth examination of the six ages of history model in the thought of the fathers of Late Antique and early medieval Latin exegesis, pinpointing key moments in the evolution of the sex aetates model.
60. Augustinianum: Volume > 61 > Issue: 2
Oskari Juurikkala The Two Books of God: The Metaphor of the Book of Nature in Augustine
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Augustine is considered one of the originators of the metaphor of the book of nature, but what did he say about it? This article examines all the metaphors with which Augustine seems to refer to the visible world as a divine book. It is found that four of the often-cited passages have a different meaning, but two of them refer to sensible nature as a book. The article further explores how the idea of God’s two books – nature and Scripture – influences Augustine’s literal interpretation of Genesis and his trinitarian theology. Finally, it argues that the ultimate foundation for the Augustinian book of nature should be sought in his theology of the Word.