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41. Eco-ethica: Volume > 8
Patrice Canivez La philosophie comme profession et la participation démocratique dans la pensée politique d’Eric Weil
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This article deals with the relationship between the practice of philosophy as a profession and democratic participation. It examines the way this relationship is treated in Eric Weil’s political thought as part of a reflection on the meaning of political action and philosophy’s educational function. The analysis places the philosophical education that teaches critical reflection and dialogue within the context of the conflicts specific to modern societies, while emphasizing that these conflicts generate feelings of injustice and nonsense. In this view, philosophical training must help develop these feelings into a coherent discourse. The ability to develop a coherent discourse on justice and meaning is necessary for members of constitutional democracies to move from mere revolt to political action properly speaking.
42. Eco-ethica: Volume > 9
Pierre-Antoine Chardel Orcid-ID S’engager dans un monde complexe: Quels défis pour la philosophie morale?
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In this article, I propose to question under what conditions an act of engagement can take place for causes that escape our immediate perception (in a phenomenological way), even though our hypermodern lifestyles are ambivalent: they allow us to open up to the world through information technology, but they also close us to our own subjective spheres. In the digital age, access to information is indeed becoming more and more personalized and dependent on algorithmic recommendation logics. The more we create cognitive bubbles, the more we make it difficult to access a common world, as well as to get morally involved in distant causes.
43. Eco-ethica: Volume > 9
Patrice Canivez Orcid-ID Education et contre-éducation dans les démocraties constitutionnelles
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This contribution presents the idea that the functioning of modern democracy implies a reciprocal education of the governed and those who govern, of public opinion and the political class, within the framework of the rule of law. Such reciprocal interaction is a prerequisite for the development of a collective intelligence (phronesis) that make the achievement of sound political decisions possible. However, the democratic process develops in such a way that it also generates counter-educational effects. This is due to the fact that the same process includes a contest for power that arouses antisocial feelings and achieves a kind of counter-education. One of the reasons for this ambivalence lies in the way in which political parties operate: they are both laboratories for the development and implementation of collective projects and instruments for the conquest and exercise of power. A similar ambivalence characterizes the role of states at the level of international relations concerning the handling of global problems. What is at stake is the possibility of dealing in a sensible way with problems that, at both the national and international levels, can only be solved through concerted and cooperative action.
44. ProtoSociology: Volume > 8/9
Raymound Boudon Une éthique est-elle possible en l'absence de croyances dogmatiques?
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A recurrent topic among philosophers as well as social scientists since Novalis, Comte, Weber, modem existentialists, and post-modern sociologists, etc. is that in the absence of what Tocqueville called "dogmatic beliefs” values cannot be grounded : you prefer liberty, I prefer equality; none of us would be neither right nor wrong. Contemporary writers as Rawls and Habermas defend, against this current view, the idea that value statements can be grounded rationally. Habermas' theory of communicational rationality remains procedural, formal and on the whole mysterious, however: how can this peculiar type of rationality be definied and made analytical? A cognitive theory of axiological rationality is developed here starting from the basic point that normative statements and axiological beliefs should be analyzed as grounded on reasons with a transsubjective validity, as positive statements are. This theory is checked in a tentative fashion against some examples of axiological belieft from ordinary experience and against a few pieces ofdata drawn from experimental social psychology.
45. Eco-ethica: Volume > 6
Peter Kemp Justice dans un monde de violence.: Sur la gouvernance mondiale selon la rose des vents
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The question is: how shall we conceive the idea of justice in the world of violence of our time? It takes up the old symbol of justice: the scales that symbolise an equilibrium between different ambitions. The author traces this idea in Western philosophy since Plato and Aristotle through Kant to Rawls, Ricoeur and Delmas-Marty for whom it becomes the symbol of global justice. By using the wind rose as another symbol, Delmas-Marty expresses the ethical necessity of a global justice between the philosophical, legal, social and political ambitions that blow across our whole world. All these winds have their rights in globalization, but none of them have the right to dominate the others.
46. Eco-ethica: Volume > 6
Patrice Canivez J.-J. Rousseau et l ’idée de justice
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La question de la justice est partout présente dans l’oeuvre de Rousseau. S’il aborde tout d’abord la question du juste et de l’injuste en rapport avec la loi de nature, la justice n’est cependant pas seulement pour Rousseau un problème de droit. S’interroger sur la justice, c’est poser la question de l’homme et de son rapport au monde. Pour autant, l’idée rousseauiste de justice ne se déduit pas d’une philosophie « compréhensive » du monde et des affaires humaines. La théorie rousseauiste de la justice est en elle-même une théorie compréhensive. C’est une philosophie des rapports humains et de la manière dont ils s’inscrivent dans Tordre du monde. Ce chapitre s’efforce de rendre compte des différentes dimensions de cette théorie. Il commence par montrer comment Rousseau traite de la justice dans le cadre du droit naturel. Puis, il traite successivement du principe intersubjectif de la justice et de la justice comme principe d’un ordre « objectif » du monde, de la société et de l’État.
47. Eco-ethica: Volume > 6
Gilbert Vincent Du sentiment d ’indignation au sens de la justice: Apports de la pensée de Paul Ricœur
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Chez Paul Ricoeur, on découvre une appréciation de l’indignation, dont la valeur tient d’abord à la nature, celle d’un authentique sentiment. Certes, ce derniern’est pas raison. Pourtant, Ricoeur Ta amplement montré, les raisons d’agir se nourrissent de motifs, et ceux-ci ont généralement la couleur, voire la chaleur, de nos sentiments. - Parce qu’il la considère comme l’expression du « sentiment d’injustice », il tient l’indignation pour l’entrée, déjà réflexive, dans le monde éthique. À ses yeux, cette expérience est décisive pour tout enfant et elle reste fondamentale pour l’adulte, dont les capacités critiques lui doivent beaucoup, même si, souvent, ces dernières contribuent à leur tour à en redéfinir les premières cibles. - Ricoeur n’a pas manqué de mettre un accent tout particulier sur la tradition prophétique biblique dans lequel il arrive que l’indignation contre l’injustice devienne accusation et condamnation irrémédiable contre l’injuste, à savoir Israël lui-même ! Mais que penser de « la colère de Dieu » ? Quant à lui, Ricoeur nous invite, tout à la fois, à justifier l’indignation, éthiquement, mais à en limiter la portée ontologique et théologique.
48. Eco-ethica: Volume > 6
Bernard Reber Le quasi-réalisme de Dworkin et la responsabilité de juger: Hercule face au roi Salomon
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Dworkin invented a fictional character: Hercules. Super-judge he has the capacity to reveal the hidden structure of judgments. In his famous judgment Solomon’s wisdom is recognized as divine. It is no longer sufficient for a secularized philosophical reflection. However, Dworkin’s Hercules is endowed with a capacity of unconventional coherence, which allows him to overcome the judge’s instinct. It is somehow in the position of a god. Salomon, who is called wise, has undoubtedly invented an unexpected resolution in his judgment, which is tested here in the light of the richness of the meaning of responsibility. For Salomon, as for Dworkin, responsibility is a rock. - This chapter examines in-depth his latest book, Justice for Hedgehogs, from a moral realism perspective, in order to critically analyse his narrow conception of moral realism and the various opponents of this meta-ethical theory as powerful as it is diverse.
49. Eco-ethica: Volume > 6
Jacob Dahl Rendtorff Orcid-ID Mondialisation et justice globale: Vers un esprit cosmopolite
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This article discusses the concept of globalization in relation to global justice with the aim of developing a cosmopolitan spirit as the basis for international justice. Globalization was in the beginning an economic concept but with the emergence of global problems of global poverty, environmental degradation, climate change and global social and political interdependence we need to rethink the concept of justice for the international community at a cosmopolitan level. The article considers that it is the task of political philosophy to reflect on this other concept of globalization, not only as a utopia but also as a real alternative for the global community. The dream of another globalization includes overcoming the misery of the world in the struggle for democracy and hope for cosmopolitan justice in the age of hypermodemity.
50. Eco-ethica: Volume > 6
Peter Kemp, Noriko Hashimoto Preface
51. Eco-ethica: Volume > 10
Blaise de Saint Phalle Orcid-ID Préserver la Nature ou se Révolter pour le Vivant ?: Enjeux Politiques de la Protection de la Nature
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Should we preserve nature or revolt in order to protect “the living” (“le vivant”)? At first sight, this invites a comparison between two ways and means of protecting nature. However, this article will defend the thesis that these two methods of protecting nature do not rest upon the same conception of our position, as human beings, towards the living. Indeed, in the end, we find an underlying opposition between nature, conceived as savage or as radical alterity (often inspired by the culturally loaded notion of wilderness, as found in the politics of preservation of vulnerable natural spaces) and the notion of “the living.” I intend to use the concept of the living in order to emphasize “ordinary nature” and our strong connection with all other living things. This reflection will enable me to defend the connection between the fight for environmental justice (namely revolt or resistance movements on the part of the poorest populations defending their living environment and their resources against an unequal production system) and the struggle for the protection of vulnerable living spaces and species.
52. Eco-ethica: Volume > 10
Jacob Dahl Rendtorff Orcid-ID La grande transition: L’idée de nature dans une économie éthique de la durabilité
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Due to the global environmental crisis and problems of climate change, but also the economic problems of neoliberalism and inequality, it is important to rethink our ideas about society, business, and economic organization in the context of a transition to a more sustainable society. Important themes of a political economy of sustainability are Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the philosophical underpinnings of governance and sustainability management. Reforming global economic and political institutions means finding new, creative, and imaginative solutions for managers, administrators, and members of government critically to evaluate our political economy and management concepts and values. It is important to rethink policies and strategies in the light of challenges of the global society. We will do this in what follows by focusing on important topics such as 1) The origin of our contemporary crisis 2) The political economy of the crisis 3) The transformation of governance for lasting change.
53. Eco-ethica: Volume > 10
Patrice Canivez Il n’y a pas de nature sans société: Une réflexion rousseauiste
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Without society there is no nature. Paradoxically, this is what Rousseau’s texts teach us. The paradox lies in the fact that the Discourse on Inequality seems to say the exact opposite. In the second Discourse, the history of the human species appears to unfold within the framework of an immutable, ahistorical natural order. In this article, I will highlight two points. First, I will show that nature understood as a whole does not really exist for the human being in the state of nature. It only exists for the educated, cultured, and therefore socialized human being. Second, I will analyze a passage from Rousseau’s Essay on the Origin of Languages, which brings to the fore the “negentropic” function of human labor. Without human labor, the natural order disintegrates. This, I will argue, makes nature a political problem for both Rousseau and for us.