Two streams of political thought will be presented: metaphysics of State (that started in the 14th century with the Ockhamian nominalism and ended with the “political theology” of Carl Schmidt and Weberian rationalization and “dictatorship of form”) and metaphysics of Power (from Nietzsche and Kierkegaard to Derrida, with power as imposed discontinuity). An impact of globalization concealing both traditions (and leading to de-politization, de-hierarchization and de-ontologization of power) will be analyzed, with the present evolution of European Union as an example. Structural violence (as a case of structural power, characteristic of globalization) will be shown in a post-communist context.

The word “wisdom” has a multitude of different meanings. This occurs both in popular language and in academic circles. It has that in common with other words of special significance and grandeur in the many languages of our species—think of “justice”, “peace”, “love”, “beauty”, and “reality”. Consider these various meanings of the word “wisdom”: being wise beyond her years, wise old man, wise guy, wise use, the wisdom of the ancients, conventional wisdom, the wise judge, the wise old crone, the three wise men, and so forth. Wisdom is associated with tradition, cleverness, moral rectitude, contemplation, resignation, wonder, keen insight, ripe old age, the received view, judicious balance, acute foresight, superior understanding, solace in time of trouble, and stoic endurance. The list could go on, but even just this much reveals a riot of meanings—and a great deal of confusion. Many of the things we think of as wisdom seem to be at odds with other things we think of as wisdom, and some seem wide of the mark, if not downright mistaken and wrong.

Praxis, especially the daily decisonmaking of political praxis, should, if possible, be accompanied by theoretical reflection. Such reflection helps view matters from a proper distance, separate that what is temporary and short-lived from the endurable and timeless and the unordered, spontaneous and accidental from the systemized, planned and well-probed. A long-year university staffer mainly dealing with the economy of natural resource exploitation, for the past decade I have also been in the fortunate position to work on the political scene as an employee of the Ministry of the Environment.

Intercultural dialogue is the surest method for the transformation of humankind from as an agglomeration of states into a human community. Any attempt to engage in intercultural dialogue short of this ultimate goal will be superficial and vacuous. Working together toward this goal is an imperative, and it is an imperative because in spite of their diversity human cultures are various expressions of one nature: human nature. Their existence is an indication of the creativity and resourcefulness of this nature. They show how humanity can express itself under different geographical, religious, technological, educational, and historical circumstances. Accordingly their difference cannot be viewed as a sign of weakness but as a sign of strength. Acknowledging this fact should be considered a basis of intercultural dialogue.

The events occurring in Poland in 1944 are discussed here as the story of Home Army [AK] unfolds in its dramatic developments taking place during that year. Starting with south-eastern provinces the gradual Soviet incursion moved toward the north-east, and eventually to central Poland, everywhere affecting the actions of AK aimed at liberation of Poland. The ensuing conflict culminated in the Warsaw Uprising in August and September when the Soviets refused to help AK in order to promote their own choice for Poland’s government. The author participated in many of the events presented, thus being able to recall them as an eyewitness.

Sixty years that have passed since the Warsaw Uprising are meaningful on the life scale of human generations. The Uprising, planned for 2 or 3 days, lasted in fact for 63 days. That fact astounded the military experts and was even noticed by the German high command, which has to be mainly ascribed to the exceptional tension of patriotism of the soldiers and the population.The Germans suffered especially great losses on the average around 1,900 weekly, almost twice as many as during the highest intensity of fighting in 1944/45. On our side the losses were estimated at 18,000 dead (or missing) and about 6,500–7,000 wounded insurgents. However, the Warsaw Uprising and the whole nation counted around 150,000 dead among the civilians.During the two months of the uprising 25% of the pre-war buildings in Warsaw were destroyed, mainly due to the barbarian practice of burning the whole streets. Against the conditions of the capitulation agreement just signed, the majority of historical monuments were burned down.In Warsaw, the tradition of sacrifices and solidarity in action, bravery and the deep attachment to liberty, manifested in September 1939, was alive and brought results all the time of war through the acts of the patriotic resistance organizations. The leaders of the Warsaw Uprising belonged to the resistance fighters before World War I and during it. The battle for independence was their curriculum vitae, and the majority of the uprising participants, the youth, was educated in the independent Polish Republic, in respect for patriotic traditions of independence fights and insurrections.Jerzy Kirchmajer believes that the Warsaw Uprising was an error, as it did not suit the Soviets; Jan Ciechanowski from London—that it was against the plans of the British ally. It is said sometimes that the Uprising started without calculating the possibility of a helping hand.Faith played a major role during the Uprising. The clergy helped the community every way they could.

A progress report on studies around the Warsaw Uprising, an issue which mainly for political reasons was a taboo for the past four decades.The few studies that did come out in that time were either incomplete owing to the lack of reliable source material, or presented a false, distorted picture of the events upon insistence by the state authorities, who had no interest in revealing the truth about the insurgency.Even now, democracy permitting access to many once secret files and documents, research into the events of 1944 is far from satisfying. In this knowledge, the author appeals for an indepth investigation of all reliable sources in a quest for the truth about the Warsaw Uprising.

Reflections call for dialogue. The various generations of Poles: the Bridge Generation (the author’s), the Fathers’ Generation and the Generation of Columbuses all differ on the logic of the outbreak of the Warsaw Uprising 1944. This issue is taboo in Polish history while the participants of the Uprising remain alive because they defend the rightness of their actions, regardless of rationality. The War’s facts on the ground were such that the Allies and Resistance had no chance to beat the Axis. Many view the 1944 Uprising as the most tragic event in Poland’s history. The author bases his opinion on his childhood experience in 1944 Warsaw and discussions on behalf of all victims with the advocates of this Uprising. At the end of this dialogue, examples are provided of past political and military mistakes throughout Polish history that must serve as warnings to future generations of Poles. The study has a universal character, as the Polish experience is not so unique that it cannot be applied to other geopolitical realities where subjectivism dominates objectivism, ignorance prevails over wisdom, and tragedy overcomes happiness.

In this interview a Warsaw Uprising fighter speaks about his work for the Diversionary Directorate of the Home Army (“Kedyw”) and recalls the dramatic moments of the Uprising and his feelings about the meaning and consequences of this memorable event.