Displaying: 1-20 of 59 documents

0.391 sec

1. Mediaevalia: Volume > 1 > Issue: 2
Helen Rodnite Lemay Guillaume De Conches' Division of Philosophy in the Accessus Ad Macrobium
... Philosophia mundi the Chartrain describes the steps that prepare us for ... Philosophia mundi contains abundant astronomical cosmography.^ I believe ... in the Philosophia mundi; and the glosses on Priscian underline ...
2. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 2 > Issue: 1
Delphine Kolesnik-Antoine Le rôle des expériences dans la physiologie d’Henricus Regius : les « pierres lydiennes » du cartésianisme
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
The historiography of Cartesianism often opposes Regius, a dissident empiricist medical doctor who denied the capacity of natural reason to demonstrate the immateriality and the immortality of the soul, to Descartes, a metaphysician who on the contrary grounded his philosophy in the real distinction between thinking and corporeal substance. In this contribution, I show how our understanding of this relation is modified when approaching the relation between the two men taking departure in the question of physiological experiments. Going back to some foundational texts, namely the disputations on physiology defended at the University of Utrecht from around 1640, I follow the evolution in how they dealt with three essential questions: the beating of the heart, digestion, and muscular movement, all the way until the last edition of the Philosophia naturalis in 1661. I reconstruct the prolonged dialogue between Regius and Descartes on these questions in order to show that the recourse to physiological experimentation in Regius’s work does not serve to question Descartes’s philosophy. Quite to the contrary, Regius wishes to consolidate this philosophy and purge it of its slag by responding to accusations of abstraction and dogmatism directed against a Cartesian metaphysics and physics that remove both venture to speak of the invisible. By following the aftermath of Regius’s innovations in the texts by Clerselier and De la Forge that accompany the posthumous edition of L’Homme in 1664, this contribution proposes, in short, to reconsider an interpretation of Cartesianismthat is too “dualist,” by taking into account what a more empiricist reading can contribute to it.
... edition of the Philosophia naturalis in 1661. I reconstruct the prolonged dialogue ... way until the last edition of the Philosophia naturalis in 1661. I reconstruct the ... Philosophia naturalis (1661), c’est-à-dire dans un contexte de discussions et ...
3. Mediaevalia: Volume > 10
Donald W. Rowe Reson in Jean's Roman De La Rose: Modes of Characterization and Dimensions of Meaning
...'s Philosophia, the personfication that leads Boethius to wisdom in the ... Amant is modeled on the similar appearance of Philosophia to an ... dialogue between Philosophia and Boethius as a debate between his rational ...
4. Philosophy and History: Volume > 2 > Issue: 1
Studies in Philosophy: Selected Bibliography
... Naturbeschreibung”] In: “Philosophia Naturalis”, 10; Meisenheim, 1968, 4; pp. 419–441. KAPP, E ... Böhlaus Nachf., 1968; 22 pp., öS 24._. MEYER, RUDOLFLeibniz and the Philosophia ... Perennis [“Leibniz und die Philosophia Perennis”. In: “Tradition und Kritik ...
5. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 2 > Issue: 1
Mihnea Dobre On Glass-Drops: a Case Study of the Interplay between Experimentation and Explanation in Seveenteenth-Century Natural Philosophy
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
The glass drop is a tear-shaped object with many curious properties. Although having a fragile tail, its main body is hard to break. On the other hand, breaking such a drop produces a loud noise and many very small particles of glass. In the seventeenth century, these objects became the focus of both experimental and natural philosophical investigation. In this article, I examine the ways in which various natural philosophers have dealt with glass-drops. This is neither a complete enumeration of the countless attempts to explain the object and its associated phenomena, nor a search for its origins. Rather, this study offers a glimpse into what was at stake in the inclusion of the glass drop—a new scientific object—into natural philosophy. I shall argue that a full description of the drop and of its properties required both experiment and speculation.
... investigation at minimum. In the Philosophia naturalis (1661), he offered ... (1661) of the book, Regius changed its title in Philosophia naturalis ... study: […] at the end of the 1661 Philosophia naturalis, Book V ...
6. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 8 > Issue: 1
Miroslav Hanke The Scholastic Logic of Statistical Hypotheses: proprietates terminorum, consequentiae, necessitas moralis, and probabilitas
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Among the important conceptual innovations introduced in the second scholasticism era and motivated by theological debates following the Council of Trent were the theories of moral necessity and moral implication. As they were centred upon a view of moral necessity as a form of necessity weaker than physical (and, ipso facto, metaphysical and logical) necessity, and moral implication as weaker than physical (and, ipso facto, metaphysical and logical) implication, some interpretations of moral necessity encouraged the logic of statistical hypotheses and probability. Three branches of this debate are studied in this paper: the explanation of moral necessity in terms of suppositio (Vega, Molina, Hurtado, Sforza Pallavicino), the confrontation over the interpretation of moral necessity (Quirós, Herrera), and the theory of statistical quantification (Elizalde, Terill, de Benedictis).
... Benedictis’ Philosophia Peripatetica, who appears to have used Terill ...
7. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 2 > Issue: 2
Andrea Strazzoni A Logic to End Controversies: The Genesis of Clauberg’s Logica Vetus et Nova
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
This article provides an analysis of Johannes Clauberg’s intentions in writing his Logica vetus et nova (1654, 1658). Announced before his adherence to Cartesianism, his Logica was eventually developed in order to provide Cartesian philosophy with a Scholastic form, embodying a complete methodology for the academic disciplines based on Descartes’ rules and a medicina mentis against philosophical prejudices. However, this was not its only function: thanks to the rules for the interpretation of philosophical texts it encompassed, Clauberg’s Logica was meant to provide a general hermeneutics designed to put an end to the quarrels raised by the dissemination of Cartesianism. Such quarrels, according to Clauberg, were caused by the misinterpretation of Descartes’ texts in Revius’ Methodi cartesianae consideratio theologica (1648) and Statera philosophiae cartesianae (1650) and in Lentulus’ Nova Renati Descartes sapientia (1651), which criticized the apparent lack of a logical theory in Descartes’ philosophy and its supposed inconsistencies. Clauberg answers their criticisms by giving a clear account of Descartes’ logical theory and by undermining the interpretative criteria they assumed, in light of a general theory of error. Polemics over Cartesian philosophy, in this way, favored the development of a comprehensive Cartesian methodology for academic disciplines and of the first hermeneutics for philosophical texts.
... Adriaan Heereboord, Selectae ex philosophia disputationes, Leiden: F. Moyard, 1650, pp ... prima philosophia, in qua Dei existentia et animae immortalitas ... philosophia, in qua Dei existentia et animae immortalitas demonstratur ...
8. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 5 > Issue: 1
Luca Guariento Life, Friends, and Associations of Robert Fludd: A Revised Account
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
In the last decades Robert Fludd’s philosophy has received increasing attention. On the other hand, his life, network, and acquaintances have been investigated in much less detail. As William Huffman rightly put it, “[o]ne of the main problems confronting someone interested in Robert Fludd is the lack of information about his formative years, as well as about his later associations”. Ron Heisler already observed that regrettably Huffman’s own account is not always accurate or complete. Scholars such as Johannes Rösche have recently added more details. The aim of this article is to give scope for further research; it collects contributions by previous scholars and adds details, corrects inaccuracies, identifies hitherto nameless (or misnamed) people with whom Fludd came into contact, and places he visited. It also takes into account current research coming from tangential fields, for instance studies on Fludd’s publisher or on philosophers such as Michael Maier, with whom he is thought to have been closely associated.
...-en-Provence is given in De philosophia moysaica, fol. 122 v ... philosophia moysaica, fol. 132 r , Fludd calls the Swiss master ... . 68 DUCH I, i, p. 187. De philosophia moysaica, fol. 47 v . See ...
9. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 4 > Issue: 1
Luís Miguel Carolino Mixtures, Material Substances and Corpuscles in the Early Modern Aristotelian-Thomistic tradition: The Case of Francisco Soares Lusitano (1605–1659)
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
This paper analyzes the theory of mixtures, material substances and corpuscles put forward by the Portuguese Thomistic philosopher Francisco Soares Lusitano. It has been argued that the incapacity of the Aristotelian-Thomistic tradition to reconcile an Aristotelian theory of mixtures with hylomorphism opened the way to the triumph of atomism in the seventeenth century. By analyzing Soares Lusitano’s theory of mixtures, this paper aims to demonstrate that early modern Thomism not only rendered the Aristotelian notion of elements compatible with the metaphysical bases of hylomorphism, but further incorporated an explanation of physical phenomena based upon the notion that bodies were basically made up of small and subtle corpuscles. By doing so, it shows that, contrary to what is so often claimed, early modern corpuscularism was not intrinsically incompatible with late Aristotelian philosophy.
... Philosophia Academica (1688), “except for those that would be in and ... nomen est officii, non naturae.” Claude Frassen, Philosophia Academica. Tomus ...
10. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 1 > Issue: 1
Anne Davenport English Recusant Networks and the Early Defense of Cartesian Philosophy
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Following the publication of Descartes’s mechanistic explanation of transubstantiation in 1641, proponents of Galileo’s cosmology and of mechanistic principles of philosophy found themselves vulnerable to a concerted attack by theological authorities. This article calls attention to an early written defense of Cartesian transubstantiation and argues that the “weak” ties of English Catholic networks played a key role in mounting a targeted defense, beyond Mersenne’s immediate circle, of the autonomy of natural philosophy.
... 1641, with the publication of Meditationes de prima philosophia, Descartes ... Meditationes de prima philosophia, Quartae Responsiones, AT VII, 253. For Arnauld ... theologians for Meditationes de prima philosophia. 39 ...
11. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 9 > Issue: 1
Petr Pavlas Lex secundum quam disponuntur omnia: Trichotomic Trees in Jan AmosKomenský’s Pansophical Metaphysics and Metaphorics
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
The goal of this article is to detail the opposition to “Ramean tree” dichotomic divisions which emerged in the age of swelling Antitrinitarianism, especially Socinianism. Scholars such as Bartholomaeus Keckermann, Jan Amos Komenský and Richard Baxter made a point of preferring the trichotomic to the dichotomic division of Petrus Ramus and the Ramist tradition. This paper tracks the origin of Komenský’s “universal triadism” as present in his book metaphorics and in his metaphysics. Komenský’s triadic book metaphorics (the notion of nature, human mind and Scripture as “the triple book of God”) has its source in late sixteenth-century Lutheran mysticism and theosophy, mediated perhaps by Heinrich Khunrath and, above all, by Johann Heinrich Alsted. Komenský’s metaphysics follows the same triadic pattern. What is more, Komenský illustrates both these domains by means of Ramist-like bracketed trees; regarding book metaphorics, clearly his sources are Khunrath and Alsted. Although inspirations from Lullus, Sabundus and Nicholas of Cusa are most probably involved, the crucial role has to be ascribed to the influence of Lutheran mysticism and Alsted’s “Lullo-Ramism.”
...–veritas–bonitas,” much like in his early textbook Prima philosophia (figure 7). 58 Three of them ...
12. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 8 > Issue: 1
Andreas Blank Christian Wolff on Common Notions and Duties of Esteem
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
While contemporary accounts understand esteem and self-esteem as essentially competitive phenomena, early modern natural law theorists developed a conception of justified esteem and self-esteem based on naturally good character traits. This article explores how such a normative conception of esteem and self-esteem is developed in the work of Christian Wolff (1679–1754). Two features make Wolff’s approach distinctive: (1) He uses the analysis of common notions that are expressed in everyday language to provide a foundation for the aspects of natural law on which his conception of natural duties of esteem depends. (2) He develops a non-competitive conception of esteem and self-esteem into a cooperative conception, according to which enhancing the esteem in which others are held is seen as a tool for promoting self-perfection. Wolff’s ideas offer a solution to the well-known problems connected with competitive life-styles, and at the same time assign a central role in moral motivation to the desire of being esteemed and of having high self-esteem. Moreover, due to his emphasis on presenting a philosophical analysis based on common notions, he offers a solution that is meant to be persuasive from the perspective of everyday morality.
13. Mediaevalia: Volume > 6
Robert P. Miller The Epicurean Homily on Marriage by Chaucer's Franklin
... General Prologue, Philosophia outlines for Boethius the various ends ... of felicity for the perfect happiness to which Philosophia seeks to ... which she counsels him, like Boethius' Philosophia, on the dangers ...
14. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 6 > Issue: 2
Stefan Heßbrüggen-Walter The Young and Clueless?: Wheare, Vossius, and Keckermann on the Study of History
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
In their debate on whether or not the young should be allowed to study history, Degory Wheare and Gerhardus Vossius quote Bartholomäus Keckermann and state that he wants to exclude the young from studying history, Wheare arguing for Keckermann’s purported position, Vossius opposing it. Their disagreement is part of a larger controversy on the relevance of history for moral instruction in general, contemplating the question whether or not history is best understood as ‘philosophy teaching by example.’ But the interpretation of Keckermann’s position presupposed by both Wheare and Vossius is wrong. Keckermann’s Ramist predecessors argued against a central presupposition of Wheare’s views, i.e., the exclusion of the young from studying moral philosophy. Keckermann’s own position in this regard is not fully clear. But a closer analysis of his distinction between methods for writing and for reading history shows that Keckermann did want the young to study history. If Keckermann had believed that such exclusion were necessary, it could only have been related to reading historical texts, not to writing them: writing texts about historical figures or events does not require moral precepts, but only the application of certain logical tools. A view that implies that writing a historical text should be possible for students, whereas reading such a text would go beyond their capabilities, is absurd. Hence, we can assume that Keckermann expected the young to study both history and moral philosophy.
... exemplis, eo historicos non antea legi debere, quam philosophia ... Christianum, quae est vera philosophia, profitetur aliud aut pollicetur ... .”) 40 Wilhelm Adolf Scribonius, Philosophia Ethica ex Aristotele ...
15. Philosophy and History: Volume > 1 > Issue: 2
Studies in Philosophy: Selected Bibliography
... Substanzlosigkeit der Elementarteilchen”] In: “Philosophia naturalis”, 9; Meisenheim, 1966, 3 ... Oersted und die Natur-philosophie der Romantik”] In: “Philosophia naturalis”, 10 ...
16. Mediaevalia: Volume > 22 > Issue: s
David J. Viera Francesc Eiximenis' Views on Mediterranean Peoples
... venjar e en conquerir; la africana en bon temps e en gaudir; mas la ...
17. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 8 > Issue: 1
Günter Frank “Deus vult aliquas esse certas notitias…”: Epistemological Discussions in the Philosophy of the Early Modern Period
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
The theory of notitiae naturales or κοιναὶ ἔννοιαι was part of the ancient Stoic epistemology. It served as precondition of any knowledge. Within the framework of the humanist rediscovery of ancient sources this theory became an important aspect of Philipp Melanchthon’s theological anthropology. This paper examines the polyvalent perspectives of the theory of notitiae naturales in Melanchthon’s philosophy and the role it played among Lutheran and Calvinist scholars, particularly regarding Rom 1: 19, where Paul stated some kind of a natural knowledge of God. The idea of notitiae communes or “common notions” as an a priori precondition of knowledge was widely spread both on the continent and in England in early modernity. It came to an end by John Locke’s critique in his Essay Concerning Human Understanding.
...’, Munich and Vienna: Philosophia Verlag, 1984, p. 39: “[…] there are ... Günter Frank, “Philosophia perennis als christliche Einheits- und ... Steuco’s Philosophia perennis, Basel, 1542, p. 202). “Philosophical ...
18. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 6 > Issue: 1
Alette Fleischer Leaves on the Loose: The Changing Nature of Archiving Plants and Botanical Knowledge
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
This paper focuses on the relationship between the compilation of a herbarium in early modern history and the search for a classification of nature. By looking at the histories of different herbaria and their compilers, this paper shows how the nature of ordering botanical materials changes along with the search for a system of ordering plant knowledge.
... this new system, but also suggested in his Philosophia Botanica ... Carl Linnaeus, Philosophia Botanica, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. See p ...
19. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 9 > Issue: 1
Nicla Riverso Behind the Scenes: Paolo Sarpi, a Natural Philosopher Friar
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
My article explores Paolo Sarpi’s achievements in natural philosophy in order to define his contribution to the intellectual milieu of his time. Sarpi’s role as a natural philosopher has been underestimated, due to the fact that his research has been unpublished and has largely perished: his works on natural philosophy and his scientific discoveries were recorded in his private papers and diaries, kept in the Servite monastery in Venice, which was entirely destroyed by fire in 1769. I explain how Sarpi, because of his conflicts and strained relations with the Church of Rome, did not want to publish on natural philosophy, and I demonstrate how he operated in “silence,” cooperating with other natural philosophers behind the scenes in order to make important discoveries. Bringing up what is left of Sarpi’s writings, I examine the Servite’s accomplishments in physics and magnetism, and compare them with those of Gilbert, Garzoni, and Galileo. Through a careful analysis on passages from Sarpi’s correspondence and Pensieri, by focusing on his achievements in magnetism, I show that his research on magnetic fields had a significant bearing on his study of terrestrial motion and I point out how his study helped him to take his place among those scholars who led Galileo to develop his theory on motion and gravity.
... plagiarist in the “Praefatio ad lectorem” in Philosophia Magnetica ... , Ferrara, 1629, as did Niccolò Zucchi in Philosophia magnetica per ... Cabeo (1586–1650), in Philosophia Magnetica (Ferrara, 1629, pp. 65 ...
20. Journal of Early Modern Studies: Volume > 1 > Issue: 1
Roger Ariew Descartes’ Correspondence before Clerselier: Du Roure’s La Philosophie
abstract | view |  rights & permissions
Episodes of the wide diffusion of Galileo’s letters prompts me to consider whether the same thing could be demonstrated for Descartes. The question that interests me most is the circulation of Descartes’ correspondence before the publication of Clerselier’s edition of it, in three volumes, 1657–1667. Thus I examine the influence of Descartes’ unpublished correspondence in Jacques Du Roure’s La Philosophie divisée en toutes ses parties (Paris, 1654). It contains paraphrases of some letters by Descartes and a number of Descartes’ views whose contents were not available in the published corpus. I discuss in particular: 1. To Clerselier, June or July 1646 (about fi rst principles); 2. To Elisabeth, August 4, 1645 (about happiness); 3. To Mersenne?, May 27, 1641?, or To Mesland?, February 9, 1645? (about freedom of indifference). I also examine the evidence of a missing letter: To Mesland, February 9, 1645 (about transubstantiation and individuation). As with the case of the wide diffusion of Galileo’s unpublished letters, we can see a rather quick dissemination of Descartes’ correspondence. Th ree of four letters were circulated, if not by Descartes’ correspondents, at least by Clerselier just after Descartes’ death, even before the publication of his Lettres de Mr. Descartes.
... Pierre Gaultruche’s Philosophia. However, it is not unusual to see ... , ethics, and metaphysics, as in Antoine Goudin’s Philosophia. The Scotist Claude ... Frassen, in his Philosophia Academica, follows what one might call ...