The Proceedings of the Twenty-First World Congress of Philosophy

El presente trabajo se hace cargo de uno de los problemas cläsicos de la democracia: el sentido, limites y paradojas de la exigencia igualitaria, exigencia que pone a la sociedad democratica en una paradoja: promover diferencias por mor de una presunta igualdad.

This paper examines the capacities of deliberative democracy as a decision-making mechanism in controversies concerning the cultural rights of minorities. It is claimed that existing views of public deliberation leave unanswered the question how to fit, by deliberative means, the cultural needs of culturally different communities into one and the same regulatory framework. The difficulty is that these needs are articulated in culturally specific frames of reference. Consequently, they are not commensurable in terms of their relative importance for the respective communities, and they cannot be referred to in arguments which would be recognized as valid by all the parties in the deliberation. The proposed solution proceeds from the differentiation between ethical-existential (also ethical-political) and moral questions which has been made by J . Habermas in discourse ethics. I explore the possibility of applying to ethical-existential discussion, which articulates a community's cultural needs, the standards of public deliberation, and of developing a quantitative measure of needs.

In this short paper I would like to open discussion on the prevalence of political and ideological considerations in most of contemporary social theory in and pertaining to the Southeastern European context. With the significant political changes in this region the relevance of ideology has grown significantly.

Der Rassimus-Diskurs hat sich auf die fortschrittlichen kapitalistischen Länder konzentriert. Da der Rassimus kein westliches Phänomen ist, sondern eine aus der kapitalistischen Produktionsweise hervorgehende Idologie, sollte die Rassismus-Diskussion auch in Ländern, in denen sich die kapitalistische Produktionsweise erst spät etablierte, untersucht werden. Untersuchungen zu Rassismus in der Türkei zeigen, dass der Rassismus in der Türkei besonderheit aufzeigt, die nicht mit denen der westlichen Länder vergleichbar sind. Deswegen werde ich in meinem Referat den Rassismus in der Türkei vor dem Hintergrund einer Auseinandersetzung mit Albert Memmi, Robert Miles, Immanuel Wallerstein, Etienne Balibar, etc. erlaütern.

In transitional societies, a search for ethnic identity becomes the most common form of personal response to the destruction of customary forms of social life. The sense of ethnic unity can arise spontaneously or be formed by ideologists. Ethnic stereotypes play a crucial role in embedding national myths into people's consciousness, and the effectiveness of their influence is practically independent of their accuracy. The system of perception stereotypes of a nation almost always adds up to a holistic myth of that nation that includes mythologems of different levels (from routine perceptions to historical-philosophical theories). Thus, one can say that turning mass consciousness towards a national myth is the main method of the formation of national identity.

This paper provides a structural and comparative analysis of two sets of concepts in social and political philosophy: the Russian Eurasian school of the 18th,19th, and early 20th centuries, on the one hand, and the concepts of American Exceptionalism and American Destiny, on the other. Both sets of concepts guided the social and especially foreign policies of Russia and the United States as semi-official political doctrines at certain stages of their history.

The formal logical characteristics of the categories of "tolerance" and "intolerance" are emphasized, as well as empirical-pragmatic advantages of a declaration and realization of tolerant positions in modern international life. It is mentioned that the limits of intolerant actions are set either by external resistance, or by intolerant subjects' potential for exhaustion. The historical and ideological prerequisites for political tolerance, as well as the principle of "resistance to evil by force" advocated by Russian philosopher Ivan lliyn, are reviewed. The basis of socio-ontological tolerance in the modern life of the world community, its reinforcement by tendencies in scientific and technical development and in international law, and the role of comprehensive objective interpretations of the function of international tolerance by mass media systems are analyzed. The meaning of an axiological foundation for tolerance in international policy and the objective difficulty of consolidating it in the social life of the early decades of the 21st century are revealed.

This paper examines two conflicts that emerge in the engagement between monotheism, especially as it is expressed in its fundamentalist form in both Christianity and Islam, and the separation of church and state. The first conflict involves intellectual compartmentalizing. The second conflict concerns the possibility that the contract may require that all "absolute truths" be assigned metaphorical status.

The purpose of this paper is to argue against a certain view of what terrorism is. In particular, I wish to dispute the definition of terrorism used by philosophers Andrew Vails and Angelo Corlett who separately put forward arguments defending the possibility of morally legitimate acts of terrorism. In support of this conclusion, they each employ a broad definition of terrorism that makes room for highly discriminate, i.e., precisely targeted, acts of political violence to count as terrorism. Defending a broad definition of terrorism requires the inclusion of such cases. I argue in defense of a more narrow definition of terrorism, one that associates terrorism with more indiscriminate acts of violence. I believe that this definition better accords with common usage and commonsense.

Anti-essentialism, antiuniversalism, anti-foundationalism, fragmentation of subjectivity, pluralization of truths are feared to entail the danger of forfeiture of possibilities for critical counter discourses. But the deconstruction of categories is not inevitably the death of politics; rather, the postmodernist intervention of canonical power /knowledge alliances facilitates the recovery of "other" strategies of resistance concerning world problems from "nonconventional" sources that have hitherto been invalidated by mainstream discourses. Thus the crisis triggered by postmodern critique could hold immense opportunities for new configurations of politics to emerge through micro-politics of permanent resistance and diversification of discourses of subversion. Political activism today stands in a complicated parasitical relationship of debt and defiance vis-ä-vis the postmodernist discourse, which, despite many shortcomings, does offer possibilities of thinking the "Other". To this end, I seek to go back into the history of philosophy and reclaim tools of resistance from "different" cultural contexts to revitalize and re-imagine our oppositional practices in the present. This paper attempts to experiment with the concept of non-violence [Ahimsa) as conceptualized within the Indian philosophical tradition.

This paper discusses various social simulacra or real illusions as a substitution for traditional ideologies. Unlike ideologies, simulacra do not pretend to give a true explanation of reality but take its place. They rely on sign codes that create a totality erasing any distinction between the original reality and its copies or interpretations. The new reality principle itself is a product of the simulacrum. Nevertheless, there is a way to go beyond this enchantment; it consists of three steps: irony, parody, and grotesque. The grotesque is the final level of the dissolution of the simulacrum, disclosing the ugly realm hidden by the real illusion.

A Utopia in a conceptually complete form consists in four aspects, which are the aesthetic, psychological, sociological and moral aspects. In this sense the concept of Utopia has remained in the West as something not practically feasible. In Eastern thought, though, this concept did not develop in an institutional form, yet an instance in the East can be traced which fulfils, at least partially, the above mentioned aspects of this Buddhism may be considered as satisfying the psychological of a utopia. From this perspective a synthetic view of Eastern concept. For example, and the moral aspects and Western ideas of utopia is proposed in this paper.