Journal of the Society of Christian Ethics

This essay focuses on the growing disconnect between the diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) commitments of universities and their enrollment practices and considers the economic concerns buttressing this divergence. In response, this essay encourages universities—both administration and faculty—to reexamine the kinds of sacrifices necessary to recruit and support a student body that aligns with their DEI commitments.

The university has long been oriented toward a meritocratic ideal that emphasizes individual labor and individual measures of success. However, recent studies showing the professorate to be depressed, lonely, and extremely anxious about their future careers raise questions about the merits of such meritocracy. Drawing upon classical sociological theories of solidarity as well as recent scholarship on meritocracy in American culture this essay argues that the meritocratic ideals of contemporary academia have stripped it of the ability to produce the genuine solidarity that sustains communities.

This paper addresses the uncanny resemblance between the educational industrial complex and the US carceral state. Both schools and prisons comprise carceral apparatuses that use policies, pedagogies, and practices to respond punitively to com­munal transgressions. Moreover, architectural designs and fiscal budgets further reveal symmetries that make learning communities unsafe and complicit with carceral systems. Black and Brown people are disproportionately caught in the frays of punitive disparities, targeted violence, and stereotypes of deviance that drastically impede social thriving. Ergo, this paper responds to the inextricability of punishment that link classrooms to prisons by introducing an abolitionist theological ethic to create educational sanctuaries.

This article explores current right-wing populism as an ethical position from the perspective of many, though not all, White American evangelicals. The relevant ethics concern not only abortion or gay marriage (which, research finds, are not top vote-motivators) but views of society (who’s in, who’s not) and government (size and role). Building on ideational approaches to studying populism and incorporating historical and religio-cultural material, this article asks: What in White evangelical religious and political history and in present circumstances makes right-wing populism look to be the most ethical stance? In answer, the article explores populism as proposed solutions to the complex intersectionality of economic, way-of-life, and status-loss duress. It investigates how evangelicals, drawing in mediated ways from their religio-political history and beliefs, understand right-populist views of society and government as an ethical solution to these duresses.

Since World War II, US Catholic anti-abortion discourse has been framed in term of rights-language, ascribing civil and human rights to the prenate from the moment of conception. Yet many of those who would criminalize abortion have allied with anti-democratic political movements that buttress White supremacy and threaten civil rights. This contradiction exposes the theoretical inadequacy and epistemological hubris of current Catholic abortion discourse. While the Catholic Church and individual Catholics may subscribe to absolute moral norms against abortion, they should not leverage rights-language to legislate such norms in a pluralistic democracy. Instead, Catholics should draw on our rich tradition of virtuous practical reasoning for an abortion ethic that honors the moral agency of pregnant persons and democratic citizens.

Moral injury signifies an enduring moral anguish experienced as betrayal, shame, confusion, futility, and distrust, entailing intrapersonal, interpersonal, and transpersonal dimensions. This essay proposes a taxonomy of moral injury informed by the ripple effects of harm caused by clergy sexual abuse and its concealment in the Catholic Church. These five categories distinguish between the moral distress endured by perpetrators and victims as well as bystanders and other implicated subjects, the moral fallout caused by a specific event in comparison to exposure to a toxic environment, and as a spectrum that spans from acute to diffuse symptoms of moral violation. This typology illuminates how moral injury impacts conscience, which means “to know together,” indicating that healing moral injury is both a personal and communal endeavor.

Medical ethics educators have a responsibility to assess the dominant ped­agogical methods and textbooks we utilize to advance our students’ knowledge about cultural differences and health disparities. In this essay, I argue that intersectional theory functions as an effective tool for the assessment and correction of diversity, equity, and inclusion training models for medical students. I critique, in particular, the additive conceptions of identity and diversity that dominate the literature. Intersectional theorists also provide helpful directives for how to train students to be suspicious of social categories and their relations to power structures. Their ideas can be used to create parameters for case-based learning so as not to undertheorize the culture of medicine and to add depth to core concepts like autonomy and privacy through much-needed investigations of identity formation and expression. Ultimately, intersectional theory pushes medical ethicists to educate their students to understand difference, diversity, and inequity within a wider moral frame.

Accountability is a quality often demanded of the church and its leaders today, and especially so within the Roman Catholic Church. But how should accountability itself be understood, and how might a more accountable church be achieved? This essay explores these questions from a new angle by offering a detailed ethical analysis of how accountability operates within broad-based community organizing (BBCO), a form of democratic politics with a highly developed theory and practice of accountability in which many churches already participate. In dialogue with BBCO, the essay develops a constructive framework for conceptualizing accountability. It makes a case for understanding accountability principally as a property of reciprocal relationships between persons, and stresses the need to proactively cultivate and sustain relationships of accountability through ongoing democratic practices of accountability. It also highlights the role played by moral authority, power, and virtue in these relationships and practices. The essay concludes by using this framework to propose a new interpretation of the Catholic Church’s accountability crisis. It suggests a more accountable church may only be achieved when the whole people of God begin organizing themselves to build it.

Rather than “embracing hopelessness,” many marginalized communities understand their practices of political resistance as exercises in hope. One space of contemporary activism where this is evident is in transformative justice movements. Utilizing the idea of moral imagination as articulated in peacebuilding and conflict transformation literature, and the idea of hope as a social practice as articulated by Keri Day, I argue that a close examination of transformative justice organizing reveals hope as a social practice of embodied moral imagination practiced by communities on the margins.

How can dogmatic teachings inform the political witness of the Chinese Protestant church and its calling among the moral crises of the past four decades? This essay responds to this urgent need by examining the political legacies of Karl Barth and Mou Zongsan, two dogmatic thinkers of Protestant Christianity and New Confucianism. A contextual and constructive comparison of the two figures allows us to reconfigure the notion of political responsibility as a praxis theory of neighbor love with several critical elements: it grounds the political responsibility of the church in the imperative of safeguarding fellow humanity and the forming of responsible humanity, and this imperative must be self-critical and forward-looking in practice. It thus contributes to Christian ethics by articulating the legacy of Barth’s dogmatic theology for democratic ethics through interfaith dialogue and a praxis theory of neighbor love for the Chinese Protestant church under the neoliberal regime.

In Fratelli Tutti, Pope Francis writes that Mary “wants to give birth to a new world . . . where there is room for all those whom our societies discard, where justice and peace are resplendent.” This essay explores the significance of Mary for a Christian vision of peace and justice through ethnographic research on the role of Mary in the lives of Palestinian Christian women and in popular religion in Palestine more broadly. Utilizing the methodology of theological ethnography, this essay centers the personal experiences of Palestinian Christians and considers the implication their understanding of Mary has for Fratelli Tutti and Christian ethics.

This essay argues that African palaver ethics makes a vital contribution to the common good tradition in Catholic social ethics. It highlights the significance of solidarity in both Bénézet Bujo’s account of palaver ethics and David Hollenbach’s account of the common good. Yet it concedes that palaver ethics is not perfect as it does not adequately address the missing voices of women. Therefore, it calls for the ethical conversion of the palaver so as to duly recognize the voices of African women and their various contributions to the common good.