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81. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 68
Mengwei Yan Tolerance or Hospitality?
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Facing the development of pluralistic cultures and the conflict of different civilizations, we should examine political theory frameworks, particularly those concerning the construction of world order. In the dilemma “tolerance or hospitality,” tolerance has been targeted. Jacques Derrida deconstructs this concept and supports Immanuel Kant’s notion of hospitality rather than the tolerance. However, Jürgen Habermas advocates for reconstruction of the concept of tolerance, although he does note its limits. We should regard hospitality as the fundamental spirit of international relations and take the notion of “seeking sameness and respecting diversity” as a principle for handling relations between different cultures.
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82. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 68
Gulzhan Abdigalieva Value Aspects of the Philosophy of Culture
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A cultural and philosophical approach in understanding human history involves identifying its personal aspects. Looking at the history of philosophy, it is not a clearly defined monologue, in pursuit of a common goal, but a complex dialogical process that includes and mutual influence and mutual repulsion, the process is an alternative to its core, and contains unrealized opportunities in history, re-creating the diversity of the movement of philosophical thought, pluralism of ideas and theories. One of the main ways to implement such an approach to the history of philosophy is to analyze it in the context of the culture, the study of the history of philosophy as a philosophy of culture.
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83. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 68
Вячеслав Михайлович Артемов Ценностное измерение права в современном обществе: приоритет нравственности
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Modern society sees obvious reinforcement of legal component in general mechanism of social regulation of relations between people. Objective significance of law supposes powerful value – subjective securing particularly the moral one. In reality minimization of morality in crisis takes place, which tries to compensate its forces through increase of quantity of laws and development of law – enforcement agencies. Deficit of the spirit and conscience causes their artificial substitutes, which worsen the situation. Daily need of society in improvement of law and legal expanse can be satisfied as a result of forming new image of interrelations between people and social groups in public awareness as a result of reinforcement of moral principles. But ability to select moral and spiritual values, particularly intense processes of their understanding, revaluation and implementation sup-poses deliberate freedom of subjects of social activity. These are representatives of scientific and educational community including lawyers, possessing high moral and professional qualities. In consideration of importance of preservation of civilizing achievements, which are examined in the context of cultural development, it is necessary to affirm the priority of high ethics. It is infallible foundation towards legal dimension of the principle of freedom of worship, secures gen-eral neutral field, on which ideological and politico-legal dialogue is possible among the civilizations and between them.
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84. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 68
Sergey Avanesov Аксиологические мотивы в поэмах Гомера
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Axiology as a sphere of value orientation and preferences is a base of every culture. The analysis of poems of Homer gives an opportuni-ty to explicate the value base of archaic Mediterranean culture. Values such as honor, glory, devotion, self-sacrifice, friendship, mutual help, hospitality, justice-equality and justice-retribution are on the positive pole of this culture. Anger, insult, deception, greed, cowardice, audacity, desecration of the ene-my’s body are on the negative pole. Positive values are fixed in the sanctioned “standards” of social behavior. In this paper is investigated the base of selec-tion of behavior’s way of an epic hero. The preference for a particular action is determined by the fate or the will of the gods, or the traditional moral stan-dards, or considerations of good.
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85. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 68
Meitang Sun, Chen Yan The Being of Value: A Direction of the Research into the Essence of Value
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The definition of value is usually focused on “being”, that is, it seeks the predicate of value. In this paper we interpret a value as the product and manifestation and its effects as the dynamic subject-object relationship. A key to understand value, according to our interpretation, needs to be disconnected from the notion of being. Hence, the value philosophy in China – “the relation theory” – needs to be deepened and further concretized.
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86. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 68
Alexey Sokolov Ценности и философские традиции
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1. Philosophy as a part of culture, having its history, also have traditions. The structure of any tradition includes four main elements: a) object of tradition – legacy, b) subject of tradition – its carrier, c) attitude to legacy, inherent in subject an induced by some values, d) function of legacy transmis-sion, performed by subject. 2. Objects of traditions in philosophy are: sets of problems and questions, sets of notions and categories used to think them, interpretation of notions and categories – their changing content, relevant to philosophy ‘list’ of activities for philosophers together with norms and patterns to perform them, and etc. Subjects of traditions are groups of people, who keep and transmit the above mentioned objects. 3. Values connect philosophy with cultural surroundings. They stay beyond traditions, but they are the key factor of influence at the latter. Values drive the interests of philosophers, attracting to an object of tradition or repudiating it. Subject of tradition relates values with some legacy in philosophy, that can be valued, devalued or re-valued. If tradition carrier is unaware of values that impel him to keep legacy, then we deal with unreflective irrational tradition. This kind of tradition play stabilizing role in philosophy, providing succession. Some part of reflective (realizing values) traditions do the same. The rest of them are transforming traditions, because their subject devalues this legacy and values (revalues) some other. Transforming traditions bring philosophy changes. Their time comes when society suffers a shift or replacement of values – during reformations and revolutions.
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87. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 68
Valentina Stryzhko Перспективы и тупики диалога западного и восточного типов философствования в информационном обществе
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Философия ХХI века в новых сложных условиях глобализирующегося мира уже констатировала наметившиеся интер- и кросскультурные тенденции в своем развитии. Суть в том, что как в западной, так в восточной философских традициях, являющихся основаниями соответствующих культур и цивилизаций, а, значит, и соответствующих систем ценностей, типов мировоззрения, существует сложившееся тысячелетия назад концептуальное ядро, имеющее общий универсальный характер. С другой стороны, в жизни как Востока, так и Запада, в социально-культурной и политической практиках существуют и возникают острые проблемы, указывающие на внутренние противоречия, несовершенства и необходимость изменений и нового современного содержания каждой системы ценностей как Востока, так и Запада. Современная философия, философская компаративистика и социальная философия, вычленяя то общее, что имеется в духовных истоках разных культур и цивилизаций, и то частное, что и сегодня для них принципиально ценно, приоткрывает пути от конфликта к взаимопониманию, конструктивному диалогу, а в будущем и к гармоничному взаимодействию.
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88. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 68
Елена Воля Воспроизводство достоинства как идеализированная норма учительства
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Воспроизведение человеческого достоинства является основополагающим условием и целью педагогической практики, рассматривается как идеализированная норма учительства. В статье реализуется нормативный подход, предложенный автором к исследованию и интерпретации феномена учительства и его воспроизводства в культуре. Учительство определяется как воспроизводство целостности ценностей знания и личности в другом. Как единицы нормативного анализа выделяются нормы идеальные и реальные, которые делятся на авторитетные, актуальные и предвосхищаемые. Описаны основные идеализированные нормы учительства: воспроизводство человеческого достоинства и воспроизводство жизни в учении. Описан ряд основных особенностей воспроизводства идеальных норм в нормах авторитетных, актуальных и предвосхищаемых.
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89. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Emiliano Acosta Multitude, Public Opinion and State: Spinoza’s Political Thought in the Context of Today’s Crisis of Democracy
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Despite the ideological differences among the most influential contemporary interpretations of Spinoza’s political philosophy (i.e. A. Negri, M. Hardt, E. Balibar and J. Israel), they all agree in considering Spinoza as a radical, subversive, revolutionary political thinker who defends the sacred inviolability of individual liberties (especially liberty of thought, expression and belief) and recognises the multitude as genuine subject of democracy. They relegate or simply ignore, however, polemic and yet central topics of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (TTP) such as Spinoza’s negative considerations on the multitude, his resolutely anti-revolutionary tone and his view of the State as an absolute power principally concerning the regulation of public opinion. These ideas contradict the radical (liberal) democratic Spinoza of contemporary interpretations, because of their apparently anti-democratic nature. In this paper I argue that these ideas, on the contrary, are consistent with Spinoza’s conception of democracy. Furthermore, I claim that they can help for re-thinking politics and the political in the context of today’s crisis of democracy and democratic State, since they make visible the conflict and struggle for power inherent to all democracy between political and apolitical (counter-political) actors. This paper firstly analyses 1) the distribution of power and the different social/political actors in Spinoza’s democratic state; 2) the administration/regulation of public opinion and Spinoza’s concern on rebellion and revolution; and 3) the current crisis of democracy in the light of Spinoza’s political thought.
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90. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Oseni Taiwo Afisi Karl Popper’s Critique of Utopia: The Hope of a Liberal Reform Implementing Freedom
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To identify with confidence some ways in which the politics of Africa could be improved depends not at all upon a vision of a utopia. With Karl Popper, I agree that utopian thinking muddles meaningful political reform rather than assisting it. Liberalism opposes large scale planning, and quite without reference to any utopia supplies terms in which to be aptly critical of the corruption, by which in the present day, African states all are riddled. Liberal reforms in Africa would institute market accountability there. That there is in Africa at present no operative “institution of market accountability” (Shearmur 1996: 118) means among other things that information that is crucial for considering ways to improve conditions in Africa does not collect and so remains unavailable to citizens, planners, and political decision-makers. Lack of accountability because of economic corruption is tantamount to a failure of intellectual openness. Liberals typically defend intellectual openness by focusing on the protection of individuals. This aspect of liberalism is potentially harmful to Africa, where the ambient ethic to the extent that one functions is communitarian. I argue that the individualism aspect of liberalism is incidental not essential: I deny that liberalism is counter to a society’s upholding communitarian ideals. I argue that to fully institute market accountability in Africa would mitigate many of the chief harms to Africa and would produce many benefits. It would not require that Africans sacrifice their communitarian spirit.
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91. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Jorge Aguirre Sala Citizenship.com 2.0: a Link to Participative Democracy: [The Evolution of Citizenship in a Project Instrumentalized by New Media]
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The alleged legitimacy of democracy is founded on the legislative and executive representative power. But, the voters sometimes are ignored by their representatives. However, with the instrumental possibility of the new media, democracy can evolve into participative citizenship and can overcome the limitations of centralized democracy. While the traditional mass media were kept in the hands of interest groups and suppose that ordinary citizens possessed democracy and seek to find information, the new media (weblogs, email, twitter, facebook, wikis, etc.) grant information and seek democracy. With it, voters can to have an active role in legislation, execution, jurisdiction and audit regarding the acts performed by the government. The limitations (absence of constitutional recognition, inefficient mechanisms of citizenship consultation, criminalization of social protests) are solved by the new media. We proposed to create a mediated citizenship. It is here that the role of the new media takes a higher position in the increment of political communication reciprocity between representatives and their constituents. The importance of the new media, then, lies in the fact that they have the capacity to sustain the rights of the ignored majorities and the oppressed minorities.
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92. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Andreas Aktoudianakis The First Realist in Western Political Thought: St Augustine Against the Socratics
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Although ancient philosophers used to attribute great significance to the heroic actions of statesmen, this element of “greatness of soul” was purged off, if not entirely, then at least to considerable degree with the coming of Christian philosophy. Augustine in particular, related the element of bravery to the original sin of pride, the fundamental of all sins. Aristotle mentions in the Nichomachean Ethics: “In the decisive sense, one is said to be andreios when he fearlessly faces a noble death and those things that lead to it –such things especially concern military affairs” (NE 1115a32–35). Plato also refers to that element of human psychology in The Republic, saying that the guardians will be andreios “if they choose death in battles over both defeat and slavery” (386b5–6). Another reference is made by Thucydides in Pericles’ Funeral Oration where Pericles congratulates the Athenian soldiers for exchanging their life on earth to honour their polis: “To me it seems that the consummation which has overtaken these men shows us the meaning of manliness in its first revelation and in its final proof.” Although the Socratics argued that politics aspire to perfection and praise heroic actions, Christian philosophers argued that the role politics is to contain the damage that human beings cause to each other due to their evil wills. This aspect of Christian thought finds its secular incarnation in the political thought of Hobbes, who teaches that violent human pride must be subdued by the State for the sake of political peace.
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93. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Daniel Arruda Nascimento On Biopolitics and Human Rights: An Analysis Concerning Humanitarian Help
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With the intention of considering again the relation between Biopolitics and Human Rights, the following lines are devoted once more to the dialogue that Giorgio Agamben establishes with Hannah Arendt. The origins of totalitarianism, published in 1951, and Homo sacer: Il potere sovrano e la nuda vita and Mezzi senza fine: note sulla politica, published respectively in 1995 and 1996, shall be our more prominent references. The dialogue will be, however, oriented by the courtship of humanitarian help. We should take seriously the hypothesis of the Italian philosopher hereupon. For one side, the humanitarian sense emerges in our century purified of every political commitment, contributing to consolidate the comprehension of life as mere life, as biological life, as simple fact of being alive. For another side, holding paradoxically the vision of bare life as the one dismissed of rights, we could observe that the humanitarian aid replaces the recognition, the assignment and the guarantees of rights. The distribution of food and medicine delays always more the gesture of recognition of equality, the fair assignment of rights and the guarantees of opportunities in order to allow the exercise those rights. It takes us to the point where we cannot avoid anymore the suspicions that a secret solidarity, renewed between the international organizations of humanitarian aid and the forces that they must confront, nourishes the contemporary dreams.
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94. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Pavo Barišić Democracy as a Way of Life – Philosophical Credo of John Dewey
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John Dewey considered democracy not only procedural and politically technical as a mere form of government under other institutional forms, but as a specific form and way of life of a political community. The substance of democracy as a way of life is firstly its ethical, cultural and spiritual ideal, and then its procedural state and proper technology of political power. The task of a democratic form of government is to make proper social arrangements that include all individuals and that eliminate external arrangements of status, birth, wealth, sex, etc., which restrict the opportunity of each individual for full self-development. Democratic order thus contributes to human happiness very significantly. Human beings aspire after happiness which grows in the processes of sharing experiences with others and their common contribution to the common good. Democracy always remains some kind of a moral ideal in the thoughts and deeds of citizens. In a political context, freedom without real opportunities for participation is empty and purely formal. Real and active participation of citizens in politics is, therefore, very important.
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95. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Ünsal Doğan Başkir Between Liberal and Radical: An Arendtian Cosmopolitanism?
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Liberal cosmopolitanism, from Kant to Habermas, has been designed as an ethical/political project based on inalienable rights. Accordingly, liberal cosmopolitans offered institutions to protect these rights. While Kant conceptualized a three-layered juridical order to create a League of Nations, Benhabib pointed out the creation of cosmopolitan norms, and Habermas emphasized the need for a constitutionalization of international law within the UN system. This moral and juridical project of liberal cosmopolitanism eliminated the political significance of cosmopolitanism and pushed the democratic elements based on political struggle aside. Can cosmopolitanism be defined on the basis of political struggles for rights? As a response to liberal cosmopolitanism, Arendt’s political thought offers a new cosmopolitan vision with her aim to refound the concept of authority in a post-metaphysical world and redefine the concept of humanity in dark times, her conceptualization of political action with agonistic character, her replacement of dissent at the center of political life, and her concept of “a right to have rights” as a critique of international human rights. This preliminary study traces a new understanding of cosmopolitanism in political thought of Hannah Arendt. In this context, her thought, which is followed by liberal as well as radical thinkers, will be argued in a creative fashion. The central argument of this study is that an Arendtian cosmopolitanism cuts across the conceptualizations trying to order the world through moral norms or extra-legal and extra-political regulations. It enables us to create a principle to reconsider our understanding of cosmopolitanism in a political manner.
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96. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Andrei Vladimirovich Babaitsev The Mirror Effects of Political Symbols: Utility and Illusiveness
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Catoptric interpretation of political symbols makes it possible to investigate the “image effects” of political symbolism, which, in the context of catoptrics, can be considered as an identification of image effects. That identification has been made by raising associative structures in rationally ordered political space. Abstract symbols are often directed at the catoptric assimilation of politics, actualization of “inventing thought” to influence the political life and assessment of political events and facts. Structural properties of political symbols mean homology of political matters and vary due to the logic of specular return of reality, while maintaining a basic condition for the stability of the rational and irrational representations. A political symbol can appear as a “creator” of the worlds that are perceived as behind the looking-glass, actually manifesting meanings. The catoptric concept has the most appropriate explanatory and heuristic capabilities, and the consideration of the image effects of political symbol reveals limits of descriptivity and ambiguity.
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97. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Héctor Bonilla Estévez A Contemporary Law of Peoples
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Kant’s idea of Perpetual Peace has set the world in a constant search for peace amongst nations and peoples through the construction of an international relations project whereby these relations are based on an international law that has actually moved towards this goal without obtaining the best results: we are still engaged in conflict. Constructing a contemporary law of peoples implies considerable transformations in international organizations, in the way ordinary citizens ought to be seen (as citizens of the world), in the establishment of a cosmopolitan law based on the positivization of Human Rights, and in the achievement of a cosmopolitan justice that allows for larger and better mechanisms for people’s inclusion and participation in the solution to global problems.
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98. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Artur Reginald Boelderl The Christianity of Deconstruction: Jean-Luc Nancy on Secularization, Globalization, and “Worlding”
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First, I will briefly sketch the philosophical background of Nancy’s thought by highlighting an important feature of his fellow philosopher and friend Jacques Derrida’s understanding of religion; second, I will discuss Nancy’s own critique of the discourse about both the contemporary so-called ‘return of religion’ and about ‘secularization’ respectively; and third, I will show how in Nancy’s own thinking secularization and ‘mondialisation’, i.e. globalization interrelate within one and the same movement of ‘mondanisation’: mundanisation (the becoming-world of the world) whose immediate political importance becomes obvious within the scope of what he calls a deconstruction of Christianity.
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99. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Guangyun Cheng, Nianxi Xia On Behavioral Logic
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Political society is essentially a totality of behavior, so behavior is the basic unit of political society. Traditional behavioral theory studies behavior mainly from the perspective of psychology. Modern behavior theory should study behavior from the perspective of logic,and the logic research of behavior should take on the psychological implication of suspension behavior as the prerequisite. Behavioral logic is the first premise of political philosophy. Behaviors are divided into atomic behavior and molecular behavior. There are six models of atomic behavior. The causal relationship among behaviors forms behavior chain. The chain is constituted by objective behavior, pre-behavior and post behavior.
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100. Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 69
Angulo Cecilia María Coronado On the Nexus Between Protestantism and Capitalism in the Work of Max Weber
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The Weberian theory of the rationalisation of the world, which has as its cornerstone the idea of “elective affinities” (Wahlverwandschaften) between Protestantism and capitalism, has generated considerable controversy. The aim of this paper is to offer an interpretation of that theory and to study three possible ways of understanding it: the first suggests that Protestantism gave rise to capitalism; the second that capitalism caused Protestantism; and the third asserts that no causal relationship exists between them and that the question must, rather, be explained as the historical convergence between the two phenomena. I shall argue that the theory should be read in this third way and I will try to briefly give the reasons why.
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