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141. Augustinianum: Volume > 41 > Issue: 2
Jean Bernardi Les successeurs immediats de Saint Pierre a Rome s’appelaient-ils Clet et Anaclet?
142. Augustinianum: Volume > 42 > Issue: 1
Patrick Laurence Helena, mère de Constantin: Metamorphoses d’une image
143. Augustinianum: Volume > 42 > Issue: 1
Bengt Alexanderson Réflexions sur l’édition récente des Psalmi graduum de S. Augustin
144. Augustinianum: Volume > 43 > Issue: 1
László Odrobina La maxime: Unus testis nullus testis ou le témoignage de l’évêque au IVe siécle
145. Augustinianum: Volume > 44 > Issue: 1
Bengt Alexanderson Enarrationes in Psalmos 134-140
146. Augustinianum: Volume > 45 > Issue: 1
Anne-Isabelle Bouton-Touboulic Autorite et Tradition: La traduction latine de la Bible selon Saint Jerôme et Saint Augustin
147. Augustinianum: Volume > 45 > Issue: 1
Daniel de Decker Eusèbe de Nicomédie: Pour une réévaluation historique-critique des avatars du premier Concile de Nicée
148. Augustinianum: Volume > 46 > Issue: 1
Martine Dulaey La bibliotheque du Monastère de Lérins dans les premieres décennies du Ve siècle
149. Augustinianum: Volume > 47 > Issue: 1
Janine Desmulliez, Juan Antonio Jimenez Sanchez A propos des adriges chrétiens
150. Augustinianum: Volume > 47 > Issue: 1
Bengt Alexanderson Augustinus, Enarrationes in Psalmos 1-32 (expos.)
151. Augustinianum: Volume > 47 > Issue: 1
Émilien Lamirande Des femmes aux origines de l’Église nord-africaine: Le contexte martyrologique (180-225)
152. Augustinianum: Volume > 47 > Issue: 2
Bengt Alexanderson Augustinus, Enarrationes in Psalmos 51-60
153. Augustinianum: Volume > 47 > Issue: 2
Bengt Alexanderson Augustinus, Enarrationes in Psalmos 141-150
154. Augustinianum: Volume > 56 > Issue: 2
Dimitrios Zaganas Anastase le Sinaïte, entre citation et invention: L’Hexaéméron et ses sources « antiques »
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This article aims to assess Anastasius of Sinai’s usage of ancient Chris-tian sources in the Hexaemeron. Close and thorough examination of his quotations from Justin Martyr, Ireneaus of Lyon, Methodius of Olympus and Eustathius of Antioch reveals that, apart from Methodius, the citations have no analogy to any of their works. On the contrary, the cited opinions appear either to have come from different authors, or to have been faked, in toto or in part, by Anastasius. The reason for such a forgery lies in Anastasius’s attempt to rehabilitate the allegorical interpretation of Gen. 1-3, without being accused of Origenism. Anastasius’s witness to the ancient exegetical tradition is proven to be deliberately misleading, and therefore should not be taken at face value.
155. Augustinianum: Volume > 57 > Issue: 2
F. Dolbeau Deux Sermons d’Augustin pour les fêtes de Jean-Baptiste et de Pierre et Paul (s. 293 et 299)
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Published here is a critical edition of Augustine’s Sermons 293 and 299, the first edition since the Maurists. Sermon 293 was preached in Carthage on the 24th of June 413, feast of John the Baptist, at a time when infant baptism was a controversial question. Sermon 299 was delivered on the 29th of June, in honour of Peter and Paul : its manuscript transmission and thematic likeness with Sermon 293 suggest that it was preached, according to Pierre-Marie Hombert’s hypothesis, in the same year in the same city, not five years later. Both texts, numbered among the longest of the De sanctis sermons, contradict Pelagian theses about the origin of death and the notion of human impeccability.
156. Augustinianum: Volume > 58 > Issue: 1
Maria Chiara Giorda Diakonia et économes au service de l’économie monastique en Égypte (IV e-VIII e siècles)
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Despite the ideal of dispossession, absolute poverty and the total absence of links with possession and human beings which shaped the myth of the monastic desert, the monastic economy and its management were very similar to the secular economic system, in that both were organised by networks based on families.This article tackles how and where material assets were produced and administered in Egyptian monasteries between the fourth and eighth centuries (the diakonia), and who was responsible for this function (the oikonomos). The history of monasticism is materially related to the institutionalisation of the society’s cultural and material systems of production. Consequently the economy was also transformed by monastic practices: history is linked to the definition and the successful affirmation of the figure of the oikonomos, the steward in charge of everyday life in monasteries.
157. Augustinianum: Volume > 58 > Issue: 2
Pierluigi Leone Gatti Le Faussaire et la Ville: la correspondance entre Sénèque et l’apôtre Paul mise à l’épreuve de l’archéologie
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In this article the author provides new external evidence demonstrating that the correspondence between the philosopher Seneca and the apostle Paul is a forgery. The author compares archaeological data offered by inscriptions, graffiti and regionarii with information conveyed by the apocryphal letters. The setting of the epistles, as well as information about the duration and damages of the Neronian fire, contrast with the archaeological data, indicating that the text should be considered a forgery. The contribution shows that the forger worked rather in a literary mode. Conversely, the only archaeological date (CIL XIV 566) that scholars have brought to support authenticity is probably not a Christian inscription and does not prove anything regarding a meeting between Seneca and Paul or Seneca’s conversion. The origin of the correspondence should instead be traced to the cult of the apostles Paul and Peter during the 3rd and 4th centuries.
158. Augustinianum: Volume > 58 > Issue: 2
Paul Mattei À propos des relations entre Ambroise et Gratien: Questions chronologiques et historiques que pose le De fide. Enjeux et portée du concile d’Aquilée
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The basic idea of the present work is this one: supposing the it is not naive nor anachronistic to read the situation psychologically, Ambrose never was a ‘mentor’ who used his friendship to dominate totally Gratian who would have been a weak character. The investigation considers almost the whole reign, in two parts: (1) De fide ad Gratianum libri V. (2) The Council of Aquileia. It aims to develop a more subtle understanding of: (1) the image of each of the two protagonists, as they mirror one another; (2) the history of their links, shaped of course by the existence of powerful cliques at court and by the strict rules governing the relations between a bishop and an emperor; (3) the notion, more broadly, of the progressive establishing of the Christian Empire. This, then, is a work of synthesis. Such an undertaking is timely, given the number, size and importance, of the studies on the subject.
159. Augustinianum: Volume > 59 > Issue: 1
Agapit Gbegnon Signification du verbe κατέρχομαι dans la doctrine sur Marc le Mage (Adv. Haer. 1, 13, 3, linn. 56-58)
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The verbal form κατέλθῇ, which appears in the passage of Adv. Haer. 1, 13, 3, linn. 56-58, in which Irenaeus presents the Marcosian doctrine, is usually translated as to descend, following the old Latin version (cf. descendat). However, in another place in the work of Irenaeus himself, this verb receives other translations. This note shows how it may be much better to translate the verb κατέρχομαι in AH 1, 13, 3, linn. 56-58 by devenire, redere.
160. Augustinianum: Volume > 7 > Issue: 2
François Szabó Le rôle du Fils dans la création selon Saint Ambroise