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121. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 1
Ilaria L.E. Ramelli Early Christian Missions from Alexandria to “India”. Institutional Transformations and Geographical Identifications
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This article first deals with Pantaenus’s mission to India, which began in Alexandria through the private initiative of Pantaenus, the teacher of Clement who was also well known to Origen. In the age of Athanasius (fourth century), another mission to India was organised in Alexandria, and this time the bishop himself took the initiative to send missionaries. Meanwhile in Alexandria the episcopacy had gained strength, and the head of the Didaskaleion – Didymus, a follower of Origen – was then appointed by the bishop, whereas neither Pantaenus nor Clement were so appointed. The article also discusses to which “India” the mission was directed. Generally, it is considered to have been Ethiopia, but in fact it might have been India.
122. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Dan Batovici Contrasting ecclesial functions in the second century: 'Diakonia ', ' Diakonoi ', ' Episkopoi ' and ' Presbyteroi ' in the Sheperd of Hermas and Ignatius of Antioch's Letters
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The collection of texts we read today under the name of Apostolic Fathers has proved to be a very productive source for surveys of the second century Christianity. Due to its heterogeneity, it is hardly a surprise that the question of diakonia, in this corpus, forms a composite image. The aim of this paper is to reassess on comparative basis the material on diakonoi, episkopoi and presbyteroi in the Shepherd of Hermas and Ignatius of Antioch‟s Letters.
123. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Mark DelCogliano Origen and Basil of Caesarea on the Liar Paradox
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Both Origen and Basil of Caesarea report that some people saw Ps. 115,2 LXX – “ I said in my alarm, ' Every human being is a liar ' ” -- as an expression of the Liar Paradox and formulated a version of the paradox based upon it. But Ps. 115,2 is actually not susceptible to the Liar paradox, despite Origen and Basil believing it to be so. Not realizing this, both sought to undermine the possibility that Ps. 115,2 did express the Liar paradox by offering a contextual exegesis, in which they argue that the speaker of the verse, David, can be considered a god, not a human being.
124. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Andrew Hofer The Reordering of Relationships in John Chrysostom's « De sacerdotio »
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John Chrysostom’s De sacerdotio offers a reordering of social relationships that can be seen in comparison with the life and writings of Gregory of Nazianzus.Chrysostom understands that the priest’s relationship with Christ carries the priest above the laws of relationship governing earthly society, such as in friendship and family. By emphasizing the priesthood’s transcendent character even further than what Gregory had done, Chrysostom frees the priest from the pressures of constricting social laws so that the priest may live according to Christ alone. Chrysostom’s dialogue thus prepares us to encounter his own ministry, known by both admirers and detractors for flagrant disregard of elite society’s expectations.
125. Augustinianum: Volume > 52 > Issue: 1
Walter Dunphy Ps-Rufinus (the “Syrian”) and the Vulgate: Evidence Wanting!
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The name of Rufinus the Syrian (as presumed author of the Liber de Fide) is frequently given for the hitherto unidentified translator of part of the Vulgate New Testament. The evidence of the text of the Liber, however, does not support the claim that it is a witness to a Vulgate text. Furthermore, the biblical text in the Liber is frequently independent of even the Vetus Latina tradition, and shows close dependence on a Greek original. The use made of biblical proof-texts further points to Greek sources for the theology and anthropology presented in the Liber de Fide.
126. Augustinianum: Volume > 52 > Issue: 1
Ellen Scully The Soteriology of Hilary of Poitiers
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Hilary of Poitiers is an anomaly in the standard scholarly classification of Patristic Greek and Latin soteriology, for, though he is Latin, his soteriology shows such resemblance to Greek mystical theory that he is considered one of its major proponents. Since Harnack, the Greek mystical model is said to depend upon Platonism. However, this paper argues that Hilary teaches a "Greek" mystical model of redemption based on Christ‘s assumption of all humanity without recourse to Platonism. Hilary‘s soteriology is instead a development of Latin Stoicism and a literal exegetical understanding of the Pauline Adam-Christ parallel.
127. Augustinianum: Volume > 52 > Issue: 1
Sever J. Voicu Is phôtistêrion a constantinopolitan Neologism?
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The earliest instance of φωτιστήριον « baptistery » in Antioch appears in the year 517, in a Syriac gloss to one of Severus’s homilies, perhaps in connectionwith his pastoral policies. Even if φωτιστήριον was formed according to same pattern as βαπτιστήριον, both nouns seem independent. John Chrysostom and an Antiochian Pseudo-Chrysostom do not mention at all the baptistery, but only the font (κολυμβήϑρα). The evidence indicates that during the 5th century φωτιστήριον was almost exclusively used in Constantinople and might have been created there. Some texts indicate that the word might have been the preferred name for the baptistery of a « cathedral » church, at least in Constantinople.
128. Augustinianum: Volume > 52 > Issue: 1
Geoffrey D. Dunn The Call to Perfection, financial Asceticism, and Jerome
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The encounter between Jesus and the rich young man in Mt. 19,16-30 (with parallels in Mc. 10,17-31 and Lc. 18,18-30) provides the setting for the teachingon the attaining of perfection, which is presented as a three-step process: the selling of one’s possessions, the distribution of the proceeds to the poor, andthe following of Christ (Mt. 19,21; Mc. 10,21; Lc. 18,22; and the unique Lukan saying in 12,33). It was a passage to which Jerome appealed frequently in hiswritings and which Finn, in his recent monograph, believes demonstrates Jerome’s extreme views. In this paper I shall examine Jerome’s references to this biblical passage in his letters and treatises to evaluate whether the first two steps in the process (self-dispossession and almsgiving) were consideredequally virtuous by Jerome.
129. Augustinianum: Volume > 52 > Issue: 2
Ch. Terezis Dionysius the Areopagite and the Divine Processions
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In this study we attempt to present the argumentation through which Dionysius the Areopagite constructs his theory concerning the processions – powers – capacities of the supreme Principle, the One or the Good, in order to distinguish it from the multitude of produced beings. His main aim, in our opinion, is to avoid pantheism. With reference both to what the Areopagite has borrowed from the Neoplatonic philosophy, and to the distance he moves away from it, we approach views which have been formulated by other scholars, mainly by O. Semmelroth, E. Corsini and S. Gersh. Our purpose is to show that the processions consist in the projection of the One for the creation of the natural world and that, at the same time, they are not ontologically inferior to its hypostasis.
130. Augustinianum: Volume > 53 > Issue: 1
René Roux Antimarcionitica in the Syriac Liber Graduum: A Few Remarks
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The anonymous author of the Syriac Liber Graduum never mentions his theological opponents. The article analyses a few examples taken from his biblical exegesis and from his most typical theological concepts and shows that these peculiar features are better explained as a hidden polemic against Marcionism, thus casting new light on the nature of the Liber Graduum and providing new data for the study of Syriac Marcionism.
131. Augustinianum: Volume > 53 > Issue: 1
David W. Kim A new Branch Sprung: Judas Scholarship in Gnostic Studies
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The popularity of the Nag Hammadi texts has not been exhausted in the field of Gnostic studies over the last thirty years. The Gospels or Acts of female characters or marginalised male characters were the main sources scholars used to draw the picture of ancient dual mythology. The ongoing fascination with Coptic manuscripts gave birth to a new branch of scholarship in contemporary history when the Codex Tchacos was unveiled. Judas scholarship began in themiddle of the last decade (2004-2006), even though it is claimed that the Codex Tchacos was unearthed in the 1970s. What kind of process did the ancient manuscript go through since its discovery? Where do readers stand with the new gospel? What is the future direction of Judas studies? This article not only chronologically discloses the ideas of individual scholars based on a field survey, but also argues that Judas studies can be developed beyond the general conclusion of second-century Sethian Gnosticism.
132. Augustinianum: Volume > 53 > Issue: 2
Tito Orlandi The Turin Coptic Papyri
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The collection of Coptic literary papyri of the Egyptian Museum of Turin is one of the most important in the world, if not for the number of codices, certainly for their contribution to the knowledge of Coptic literature and codicology. This paper makes an exhaustive list of the codices and of the works that they contain, with reference to their publication, especially that of Francesco Rossi (late XIX century), who could read more than is visible today. The tables provided are useful because the papyri have been set in different order (with their new call number), after Rossi’s publication.
133. Augustinianum: Volume > 54 > Issue: 1
Gerald Boersma Participation in Christ: Psalm 118 in Ambrose and Augustine
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As bishops, both Augustine and Ambrose wrote sermons on Psalm 118 (119) towards the end of their lives. This article puts these two exegetical works in dialogue with each other by focusing on the common theological theme of participation operative in both commentaries. I argue that both Ambrose and Augustine present a Christological account of participation which functions as the basis of their respective ecclesiologies. Within this overarching Christological framework, the article notes that Ambrose grounds participation in the imago Dei, whereas Augustine’s takes his starting point from the grace Christ offers through the incarnation.
134. Augustinianum: Volume > 54 > Issue: 1
Ilaria L.E. Ramelli The Jesus Movement’s flight to Pella and the “Parting of the Ways”
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After a contextualisation concerning Pella in the Roman Decapolis and the Decapolis itself as the theatre of Jesus’ teaching, this essay analyses the question of the flight of many members of the Jesus movement to Pella during the conflict with the Romans in the Jewish War. I shall evaluate Eusebius’s piece of information and shall endeavour to connect it to the larger issue of the so-called “parting of the ways” between the Jesus movement (what became Christianity) and Judaism – or the construal of this “parting of ways” by early Christian authors. Special attention will be paid to some recent hypotheses and discoveries regarding the “parting of the ways”, which seem to reinforce my argument concerning the overall accuracy of Eusebius’s account of the flight to Pella and the probable role of the Romans in this move and in the “parting of the ways” itself.
135. Augustinianum: Volume > 54 > Issue: 2
Stuart Squires Augustine’s changing Thought on Sinlessness
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This article explores Augustine’s response to the Pelagians who claimed that if one truly desired to be sinless, one could be. The standard scholarly view, as articulated by Gerald Bonner, was that Augustine’s thought during the Pelagian controversy did not change over time. However, Augustine’s thoughts on sinlessness changed over a very brief period of time. He initially admits the possibility that, through grace, some may not have sinned (in De peccatorum meritis et remissione et De baptismo parvulorum); he later retracts this view (in De perfectione iustitiae hominis), only to assert in De gestis Pelagii that he unsure. Finally, he returns to his original position (citing the canons of the Council of Carthage of 418, and arguing that all have sinned).
136. Augustinianum: Volume > 54 > Issue: 2
Joost Van Neer Structure and Argument in Augustine’s Nativity Sermon 188
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A thread runs through Augustine’s s. 188 that first moves from the spiritual realm via the physical realm to man, and then from man via the physical realm to the spiritual realm. This descending and ascending movement is a perfect depiction of God’s plan with man, which is to become humble himself in order to exalt man. The traditional division of s. 188 ignores the high level of symmetry that one finds in the sermon, and consequently obscures its splendid balance. It is not a help to the reader, but an obstacle. This article has therefore proposed a different solution: a division in three parts.
137. Augustinianum: Volume > 55 > Issue: 1
Dan Batovici Hermas’ Authority in Irenaeus’ Works: A Reassessment
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Irenaeus of Lyon is a landmark in the reception history of the Shepherd of Hermas, as he seems to consider it scriptural, while being the earliest author to quote its text. The present article reconsiders the presence of the Shepherd of Hermas in the works of Irenaeus of Lyon, offering a fresh assessment of the rather differing stances on the matter in modern scholarship and some new considerations, with relevance for better understanding the circulation, function and use of authoritative texts in early Christianity.
138. Augustinianum: Volume > 55 > Issue: 1
Geoffrey D. Dunn Life in the cemetery: Boniface I and the catacomb of Maximus
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Liber pontificalis records that, during the disputed Roman episcopal election, which started at the end of 418 and lasted several months, between Eulalius and Boniface, the latter took up residence in the cemetery of Felicity when the two candidates were expelled from the city. It also records Boniface, after his ultimate victory as legitimate bishop, refurbishing this cemetery and eventually being buried there. Although Liber pontificalis is wrong on a number of points withregard to the disputed election, as revealed through letters preserved in the Collectio Avellana, there is no reason to doubt Boniface’s attraction to this martyrial complex on the via Salaria nova. This paper considers the catacomb and Boniface’s connection with it in the context of what we know about Roman episcopalburials of the early fifth century.
139. Augustinianum: Volume > 55 > Issue: 1
Mauricio Saavedra Monroy A Note Regarding the Status of Investigations in Asiatic Theology
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In the region of Asia Minor and above all in Smyrna up to the third and fourth centuries the tension between Jews and Christians is palpable. In the Martyrdom of Polycarp and in the Martyrdom of Pionius, it is clear that the social ascendency of Judaism in Smyrna was exploited on various occasions until it became a co-protagonist in the persecution against the Christians. Despite the gradual separation and differentiation between Jews and Christians, both the New Testament and subsequent Christian literature in Smyrna report that no self-understanding of Christianity in relation to its deepest roots escaped its necessary confrontation with Judaism.
140. Augustinianum: Volume > 55 > Issue: 2
Carmen Angela Cvetković Memory, Language, and the Making of Truth: Towards an Hermeneutic of Augustine’s Conversion Narrative
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For over a century modern scholars have passionately debated whether Augustine’s conversion narrative from Confessions 8 is an accurate description of what ‘has really happened’ in 386 in a garden in Milan without reaching so far a consensus. However, long before modern scholars disputed the historicity of his conversion account Augustine was already confronted with the mistrust of his contemporaries who doubted the authenticity of his conversion and compelled to deal with their accusations. This article intends to show how in the Confessions Augustine defends the truth of his narrative while admitting to his incredulous readers his inability to offer an exact picture of his past life, by looking at his views on memory, language and cognition, as presented mainly in the last non-narrative books of this work.