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1. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Shifa Zhao Rethink Contemporary Anti-globalization
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With the development of globalization and its inner-contradictions exposing gradually, a new anti-globalization movement has sprung up Since 1990s. It is also a kind of new globalization. In fact, contemporary globalization is controlled by capitalism. During the course, capitalist contradictions and crisis also globalize. Anti-globalization exposes the new crisis of contemporary capitalism The substance of contemporary antiglobalization is to opposite capitalism and its crisis. It is not a mature movement now, but it is significant to correct the developing direction of contemporary globalization.
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2. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Ömür Birler Political (or) Philosophy? A Critical Account of Leo Strauss’s Response to the Crisis of Modernity
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Leo Strauss has generally been regarded as an historian of ideas, albeit a very unusual one. He wrote many very momentous commentaries on the major figures in the history of political thought; yet Strauss’ main intellectual quest was to take himself back in the history, to classical antiquity and to the fountainhead of political philosophy, Plato. In this paper, however, I am mostly interested in the philosophical nature of Strauss’s basic dissatisfaction with modernity and with the adequacy of his criticisms. I shall focus attention on his well-known book On Tyranny, his claim that the politics in the modern age is inescapably defined by a tyrannical rule and his criticisms that the contemporary political science is unable to diagnose the symptoms of this present-day disease, and finally his attempt to revive political philosophy in its original sense. In addressing these issues, this paper raises a fundamental criticism: Strauss’s approach jeopardizes political philosophy-i.e. his very inquiry-by ultimately putting philosophy against politics, and politics against philosophy. I will begin with a few remarks about what Strauss understood as the problem of modernity. Then I will introduce the question of tyranny which stands as the key notion for grasping not only Strauss’s criticism of contemporary politics but also as the treatment for it. Finally, the discussion of On Tyranny, I hope, will shed light on Strauss’s conception of political philosophy and will open the stage for a critical discussion of his views.
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3. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
M. Lorenz Moises J. Festin Making Sense of Common Good in Contemporary Society
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The main purpose of the paper is to investigate the relevance and significance of the concept of common good in contemporary society. First, I make a brief historical remark about the philosophical concept of common good. I will argue that the concept is rooted in the ancient Greek philosophical understanding of society, namely as polis, whereby human being is thought to have an end that is not merely individual but also collective. I then discuss how societies have significantly changed over the years and how the current global order resembles the situation during the time of Alexander the Great, whose vision it was to establish a cosmopolis, literally a global city. In the end, I consider whether the notion of common good in itself has lost its relevance in the face of the manifold social changes. I bring my discussion to a close with a note on the universality and naturality of the common good of humankind.
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4. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Lihua Liu 马克思主义价值观上的误区
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Marxist value standpoint taking the value of working classes as more important and higher than universal human value has already been proved wrong by the anti-human practice led my the standpoint in the 20th century. Though the disastrous historical reality was definitely beyond or not the expectation of Marxism founders, the practice is logically necessary result of the unavoidable historical limitation and theory mistake of Marxism. In their early years, both Karl Marx andFriedrich Engels held the criterion of the universal human value such as freedom, democracy, equality and fraternity. However, decided or required by the space-time concrete circumstance, they had to concretized the ideal of ‘human liberation’ into the aim of ‘the liberation of proletariat’. According to such the three principles: social existence decides social consciousness, there is no common human nature in a society in which there are different classes, and productive forces is the final motive power and cause of social development, historical materialism demonstrates the supreme position of the value of working classes. These arguments are not persuasive in theory. Marxism itself has to take the universal human value as moral criterion against capitalism. Historical materialism has the problem of inherent reductionism in its epistemic methodology. Also, Marxism commits the obvious simple or lower grade mistake to negate generality with specialty in expounding no common human nature existing in a class society. And The Marxism founders were extremely arrogant psychologically when building their theory system. These are epistemology and psychology factors to form the prejudiced value standpoint. This reflection on the mistake of Marxist value standpoint expects to reach such a common consensus: to accept consciously and further improve and perfect the universal human value that marksmaturity level of today’s human spirit and take the value as the bottom value of being human.
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5. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Piotr Boltuc The Four Pillars of Contemporary Political Philosophy
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We can define all political theories pertinent in contemporary modern societies using a model based on only two variables. The first variable can be characterized as a spectrum between economic right and left wing theories. The spectrum can be easily defined by a strictly economic tradeoff of the desired level of taxation juxtaposed to the desired level of social services. The second variable can be defined as a distinction between liberal-individualisticand communitarian conception of persons.This leads to four positions, the four pillars of contemporary political philosophy: left wing liberalism (popular liberalism), right win liberalism (popular libertarianism), left wing communitarianism (popular socialist communitarianism) and right wing communitarianism (thetraditionalist stripe of conservatism). The problem is that the last of those positions has not been well presented in philosophical literature.
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6. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Ali Rizvi Habermas’ Critique of Ethnocentric Liberalism
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Jürgen Habermas has emerged as a sharp, and occasionally harsh, critic of the Bush administration’s policies since the Iraq war. Habermas has developed this critique in several of his short pieces and interviews, some of which are available in fine collections in both English and other languages. However, the occasional and journalistic character of Habermas’ political interventions often hide the theoretical basis of his critique. In this paper, I argue that Habermas’ critique of the Bush administration’s foreign policy emanates from, and is founded upon, his conception of modernity, and specifically his views about the relationshipbetween “particularity” and “generality.” The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate how Habermas’ critique can actually be read as a critique of particularism, which Habermas sees operating behind American (and British) foreign policy, and which, in his view, compromises the key achievements of modernity (especially in its Kantian version.)
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7. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Ki-sang Lee 생명은 웋일름을 따르는 몸사름 ‐다석 생명사상의 영성적 차원
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Daseok is a thinker who spent his whole life in searching out the principle of life for all the global citizens’ living together peacefully freed from the ‘absolute’ centripetal force of Europe. We are now at a juncture of drawing up a new grammar of life for living together in a pluralistic age where all kinds of ideologies and world religions should coexist intermingling with each other. Daseok, as a early thinker of the global village period, tried to search out an alternative and integrative thought encompassing the thoughts of Daoism, Buddhism, Confucianism, and Christianity throughout his whole life. He thought that a clue for solvingsuch a problem on a world philosophy level can be found in the spiritual mind and heart, the nature‐friendly lifestyle, and the integrative thinking structure of Korean people, and in the convivial [mutually vivifying] grammar of Korean language. In his youth, Daseok felt the mystery of life within his own body and spirit. He came to know that ‘I’ as the body is connected to all the life forms and even to all the lifeless forms till now as one unity with them all, the very present ‘I’ being a frontier [an end point] of the cosmological life event. Then, he became awakened to the truth that this ‘I’ should become firewood of the life event for the continuation of the cosmological life cord, in one of whose threads being transmitted even to ‘myself’ without interruption. Afterwards, he came to interpret thephenomenon of life as “an event for the achievement of heavenly commandment through the burning up of one’s own body.” In such an achievement, according to him, we can and should become cosmological persons living a cosmological life of vivifying and serving everything between heaven and earth in communication with the transcendent and yet omnipresent Spirit of heaven.
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8. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
A.T. Nuyen Moral Luck and the Punishment of Attempts
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In most countries, failed criminal attempts are punished less severely than those that succeed. Many philosophers, including myself, have argued that differential punishment can be justified. However, in a recent paper, Hanna raises objections to defenses of differential punishments, claiming that such policy goes against our “desert intuitions” and also cannot be justified on utilitarian grounds. I argue in this paper that Hanna’s desert-based and utilitarian objections can be undermined. Further, they are valid only within moral theories that take the agent to be an independent self, whose responsibility rests on his or her intentions and deliberations alone. However, differential punishment can be justified in a different kind of moral theory, in which there are good reasons to giveluck a role to play.
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9. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Subrata Mukherjee Affirmation of Modernization Theory and Negation of Depeendency Theory: A Case of South Korea
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The plank of the dependency theory is that unless there is a transition to socialism and a complete break with the metropolitan countries, the peripheral status of the dependent countries would continue. After the Second World War with the emergence of many new nations, as a consequence of decolonization, the question of development assumed paramount importance for these countries. Raul Prebisch (1950) understood the nineteenth century paradigm of free trade as inoperative and disadvantageous to the raw materials exporting countries. The spectacular success of the Newly Industrialized countries‐ Hong Kong,Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan by integrating with the developed nations, have achieved a higher standard of living and negated the basic assumptions of the dependency theory.
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10. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Anatolij Karas “Ukrainian Project” and it’s Discursive-Ethical Obstacles
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The perspectives of Ukraine which are outlined by the notion of the “Ukrainian project”, and determined by potential of development of civil society, as congruent with perspectives of steady international development for the sake of collaboration and peace, are examined in the article. Determination of such basic analytical notions as discursive practices of “prevailing” and “understanding” is offered with this purpose. Discourse is considered as reason for choice and giving the advantage to one meaning over the others that is set in the certain modes of signification. Discourse of understanding – is the process of creation of such knowledge, the nominative function of which stops being the function of power, and becomes the instrument of the renewed perception and understanding at new level of communicative space. As discursive reality is reflected not only on the methods of thinking, but also on the practical behaviour of people, we have warrants to speak about its ethical conditionality and the corresponding discursive‐ethical practices of “freedom and authenticity”, “paternalism and clientism” and “nihilism and anarchy”. Last two discursive-ethical practices are examined as obstacles on the way to realization of the “Ukrainian project” in relation to itsdemocratic development in direction to the civilization values common with the European Union.
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11. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Omar Astorga El laberinto de la guerra: tres derivas hobbesianas
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La influencia del modelo hobbesiano y en especial de la idea de la guerra en el desarrollo del pensamiento político moderno de los siglos XVII y XVIII, ha sido ampliamente documentada por diversos intérpretes. Sin embargo, esta influencia no ha sido suficientemente destacada a propósito de la continuidad que ha tenido en el pensamiento político contemporáneo. Con el presente texto, presentamos algunas líneas de interpretación a través de las cuales es posible observar la presencia de la idea hobbesiana de la guerra en doctrinas políticas distintas e incluso antagónicas, a saber, el liberalismo jurídico de Ennmanuel Kant, el decisionismo de Carl Schmitt y el neomarxismo de Antonio Negri.
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12. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Naum Yaroshchuk Философские проблемы нации
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“Rethinking of philosophy to-day”, from my point of view, means new understanding of the “basic truths” of philosophy in their use in the analysis of actual social problems of the modern swiftly changing world. One of such actual problems is the problem of a nation that is the most stable social unit, representing a unity of a human and social being, and in this context a human being is understood as a national human being. Only in such a role becomes an element of a social structure of a society. It is not correct to oppose the culture, common to all humanity, and the concrete culture of an individual that is national culture. The essence of culture – the totality of spiritual values - is in its penetration from the culture common to humanity, into the national culture and inversely. There are two tendencies in the world development to-day: integration, mainly in the sphere of economics, and disintegration in national-state sphere, that not always takes place in a peaceful form. It is important to find scientifically based answers to the following questions: whether national traits of social life will always be the source of tension and conflicts or they will bring bright, original vital colors into the picture of a globalized world? In general, can explosive social elements be always formed in the socio-ethnic structure of a society? The answers to these questions are formulated in the sphere of natiology - in the interdisciplinary sphere ofscientific knowledge about a nation, that realizes an important function of natiological education and upbringing.
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13. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Dan Ioan Dascalu Several Considerations about the Totalitarian Personality Concept
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We consider that the research conducted on the totalitarian phenomenon has still remained a challenge for political philosophy and social sciences, even though most of the totalitarian regimes are now a matter of the past. However, its consequences and the threat of its reinvigoration have remained as well. Under the circumstances, the theoretical instruments that make possible an effective euristic approach of the phenomenon are particularly important. Among these instruments, the totalitarian personality concept occupies a foreground place. What we advance is a new perspective upon this concept. We believe that thetotalitarian personality can be and must be regarded as a by-product of totalitarianism, not solely as one of its prerequisites. We can and we must give emphasis to the totalitarian imprint upon personality, upon the more or less profound transformations undergone by the personality of those who lived through the totalitarian experience.
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14. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Lysun Olga Valerevna Global Responsibility in the Context of Individual Personality
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The purpose of the article is to show the great potential of human ability in social development and to reveal the personality conditions for the development of mankind. The categorical arrangement of global responsibility is given relating to the individual personality and to civilization. The creation of social conditions addresses the vital importance for the individual development of global responsibility. The theoretical base of the research includes numerous works on fundamental problems in the field of social philosophy, philosophy of law, individual and social psychology, theory of personality, culture research, and worksabout civilization. The historical and socio-philosophical approaches are used to reveal the regulation of development of global responsibility on the individual level and the level of civilization. Phenomenological and axiological methods are used to study the activity aspect of global responsibility.
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15. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Omar Darío Heffes Labor, consumo, genocidio
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El objetivo de esta presentación es establecer una relación entre el ciclo de la labor, conceptualizado por Arendt en La condición humana, y el campo de concentración. Se parte de la clara alusión de Arendt, en donde argumenta que lo que se busca en el campo de concentración, es la construcción de un animal que sólo tenga la “libertad” de “reproducir su especie”. Dichas características están insertas en el animal laborans que también pareciera ser la cifra del homo sacer de Giorgio Agamben. Esa institución del derecho romano arcaico, según los desarrollos de Agamben, permite entender al interno del campo de concentración. El animal laborans se puede encontrar en las prácticas que se desarrollan en el campo. La labor y el consumo forman parte fundamental de una estrategia de supervivencia y modulan, en forma definitiva, la diferencia entre el futuro sobreviviente y el musulmán. Vida y muerte son moduladas por lalabor y por el consumo. El ciclo de la labor crea sujetos, crea posibilidades. Esas estrategias, a través de la labor y del consumo, permiten visualizar que la supervivencia puede ser leída con la grilla de inteligibilidad del homo oeconomicus, es decir, un sujeto de interés empresario de sí mismo, que se gobierna a sí mismo como una posesión, y que, por ende, puede ser entendido como un sujeto gobernable. El sobreviviente hace un trabajo sobre sí mismo para poder sobrevivir, educarse para subsisitir y no caer en la selección. El homo oeconomicus del neoliberalismo puede permitirnos entender la vida dentro del campo y, por ende, puede ser la cifra del homo sacer a través de su condición del animal laborans.
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16. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Marina Solodkaya A Time as the Basis of the New Paradigm of Responsibility
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The author argues that time is the main element of responsibility. The subject, the authority and the object of responsibility are defined by time. Time is the methodological basis for distinction of historically developed kinds of responsibility: legal and ethical one. In essence, legal responsibility is retrospective one (responsibility «for the past»). Legal responsibility has localized and discrete time-character. Expansion of legal civil-law responsibility is essentially connected with changes in point of time of responsibility. Ethical responsibility of the subject assumes nonlocalized and continuous time of responsibility. The central status of time creates a new paradigm of responsibility, which the author understands as existential. This paradigm is based on the recognition of the ability toimpose responsibility «for the future» even in the present.
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17. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Arnold Kazmin The Philosophical Project of Social Politics
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Russian philosopher, the author of such books as: 1. Arnold Kazmin The theory of intellect: how to elect a president. M: ‐ “CDPress”, 2001. 2. Arnold Kazmin The globalization of morality-the evolutional step to civilization. M: - “CDPress”, 2005. 3. Arnold Kazmin “The Hegel’s code: system thinking and social cybernetics. M: - “CDPress”, 2006. Presidium Member of the Russian Philosophical Society. Took part of The The 21st Universal Philosophy Congress at Istambul, Turkey, 2003. The editor-in-chief of Russian Philosopher newspaper.
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18. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Sang-Hoon Lee The Korea Wave as Cyber-culture
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Korea Wave means the vigorous drive toward Korean mass culture among the young generation of East Asian countries. The Korea Wave has had great socio-cultural and economic effects on China and East Asian countries and even made a new word 'Hawhanzoo (哈韓族)' which mean the Korea Wave fan. The most important characteristic of the Korea Wave is that the followers are the young generation of the upper classes of those regions who are apt to learn and use the Internet and the culture of the Information Age. This means that the future leaders of the East Asia countries are sympathizing with the characteristics of modern Korean culture and its vision. They are absorbing positively the Korea Wave as their spiritual foundation upon which their world views and valuejudgments are conglomerated. In this article I'd like to consider new possibilities in the Korea Wave which pave roads to a cultural community around East Asia in the age of information. Therefore, I will analyze three dimensions of Korea Wave which are material, symbolic and experiential dimensions.
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19. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Cui Zhang Setting up a new model of the democratic theory ‐ research on Habermas’ theory of public sphere
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Public sphere is an important idea of Habermas in the early research, which guided his latter research, especially in political philosophy field. According to Habermas’ research on public sphere, this paper researches public sphere’s significance in solving the legalization crisis of capitalism and remedying the democratic theory of bourgeoisie. Public sphere idea set up a new model of the democratic theory, deliberative democracy, which is better than democracy of both liberalism and republicanism, and become the most important theme of Habermas in theory and practice.
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20. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Gabriel Radu On the Applicability of Theoretical Model of Intergenerational Justice
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This article pays special attention to some issues of justice erased by extending constitutional and political problems to a more generally rank. Controversies generated by the principle of justice are multiplicated in their formulation in different social spaces and time relocation. In this article we test the applicability of the theoretical model of intergenerational justice in changing political orders, emphasizing its particularities and limitations. Solving past political problems in different political regimes induces many theoretical disscutions. In spite of all dificulties, new debates in intergenerational justice appears like a possibility in approaching controversial political matters. We’ll try also to formulate some proposals concerning the possibility of applications of some constrains of the theoretical model of intergenerational justice to changing political order issues.
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