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Displaying: 81-90 of 1237 documents

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81. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
M. Lorenz Moises J. Festin Making Sense of Common Good in Contemporary Society
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The main purpose of the paper is to investigate the relevance and significance of the concept of common good in contemporary society. First, I make a brief historical remark about the philosophical concept of common good. I will argue that the concept is rooted in the ancient Greek philosophical understanding of society, namely as polis, whereby human being is thought to have an end that is not merely individual but also collective. I then discuss how societies have significantly changed over the years and how the current global order resembles the situation during the time of Alexander the Great, whose vision it was to establish a cosmopolis, literally a global city. In the end, I consider whether the notion of common good in itself has lost its relevance in the face of the manifold social changes. I bring my discussion to a close with a note on the universality and naturality of the common good of humankind.
82. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Barry L. Gan Means and Ends, Nonviolence and Politics
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During the latter half of the twentieth century political realism dominated national and international landscapes. The twenty-first century has seen the rise of neo‐conservatism, what Charles Krauthammer has called “democratic realism” and what others see as a re-birth of Wilsonianism—making the world safe for democracy. Robert M. Gates, U.S. Secretary of Defense, in a speech on Sept. 17, 2007 in Williamsburg, VA, at the World Forum on the Future of Democracy, acknowledged these different strains of current U.S. policy, saying that “once again [people are] talking about the competing impulses in U.S. foreign policy: realism versus idealism, freedom versus security, values versus interests.” These competing concerns—but especially fear about terrorism coupled with asense of retributive justice—have divided much of the world. Nonetheless, it is clear that no matter what terms one gives to domestic and foreign policies, they are all in one way or another mired in the attitude that the end justifies the means, an attitude that will remain both morally and politically bankrupt until such time as people, policies, and programs embrace the concept of principled nonviolence, if not principled nonviolence itself.
83. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Raf Geenens An Anti-foundationalist Foundationalism: The “French” justification of democracy and human rights
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In this paper I investigate a class of theories that attempt to justify democracy and human rights on the basis of a specific political anthropology. These theories belong to what could be called contemporary French liberalism, as exemplified by Claude Lefort, Marcel Gauchet, and Pierre Rosanvallon. These thinkers share the important intuition that human coexistence is rooted in a fundamental “political” and “historical” condition. Although this condition can be illustrated by meansof empirical examples, I will argue that their argument should be taken to mean that societies are necessarily caught up in this condition. In a second step I will consider the normative consequences of this thesis. The key idea is that ignoring this fundamental condition inevitably leads to pathological consequences, as can be illustrated in reference to both predemocratic societies (e.g. non-Western premodern societies) and postdemocratic societies (e.g. totalitarian regimes). It is only democracies, so they contend, that are able to deal with this condition in a “correct” way, for here this condition is not overlooked or repressed but is openlyrecognized and even institutionally protected. In the final part of my paper I will argue that this line of reasoning offers a promising alternative for the many strands of foundationalism that dominate contemporary political theory, even if it remains beset by a number of weaknesses.
84. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Simon Glynn Liberal Democracy and Torture
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Of the many ideological blind spots that have afflicted US and, to a lesser extent, European, perceptions and analysis of the economic, political and social milieu, none have been more debilitating than the equation of democracy with political liberalism. Thus those who attempt to derive propaganda value from such an equation are vulnerable, as the US government has found, to the rhetorical counter attack that in opposing democratically elected governments, such as that of Hamas or Hugo Chavez, they are not merely being anti-democratic, but are in illiberally opposition to human rights and civil liberties also; an argument quiteindependent of the same charges, emanating more legitimately, from their support of, for example, the Masharraf regime and the Saud dictatorship.Furthermore no less an august body than the Council of Europe has drawn attention to the US government’s inhumane, humiliating, degrading and cruel treatment, including torture, of prisoners, at Guantanamo, and, seemingly even more extreme treatment of prisoners in the supposedly secret or “black” prisons operated both by the CIA, and other countries, where the torture of prisoners, often illegally or extra judicially rendered to them, has been outsourced. In light of this the paper takes up a discussion of the nature of the relationship between Liberalism, Democracy and Torture as it is germane to the current legitimation crisisfacing liberal democracies.
85. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Stefan Gosepath The Presumption of Equality
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In this paper I present an argument for a procedural principle of distribution, which is often called the presumption of equality.
86. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Alexander L. Gungov The Modern Reason’s Failure: Social and Political Consequences
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Late Edmund Husserl’s examination of the crisis of the European sciences is the point of departure of this paper. Husserl’s views about wrong objectivisation and naturalization of reason in science and philosophy have prepared the ground for dissatisfaction with reason in various trends of 20th century Social and Political Philosophy. This intellectual climate has naturally bred the radical criticism against the social project of Enlightenment practiced by the first generation Frankfurt School. Later on, the Modern reason misfortunes in social and political sphere are epitomized by Emanuel Levinas’ uprising against fundamentalontology for the sake of responsibility to the Other as well as by Julia Kristeva’s appeal to reestablish the social contract on new sensibility and new rationality. Finally, Jean Boaudrillard puts the univocal diagnosis that reason has surrendered to the code of consumerist simulacrum. In the second part of the paper, some suggestions proposed by the above philosophers (except for Baudrillard) about resolving the deadlock prepared by the Modern reason are viewed briefly. A conclusion is made that Baudrillard’s pessimistic position seems to be the most plausible and relevant in the current socio‐political and philosophical climate.
87. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Zilya Habibullina Sociocultural Potential of Russian Cosmism
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The present paper deals with the Russian cosmism in the conditions of modern society and views. The cosmism is conveyed in both philosophical and naturalistic aspects. The idea of the so-called cosmicity of the human and cosmic outlook is one of the most attractive features of the Russian cosmism for our contemporaries. Among the fundamental issues elaborated by the Russian cosmists is an idea of dynamic evolution. It is the lack of integral system of social actions, that indefinitely postpones the implementation of the projects, elaborated by the Russian cosmists. Many ideas of the Russian cosmism are topical, in a view of new discoveries in the field of science, technology and cosmos development they have become even more convincing.
88. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Ranjoo Seodu Herr Democracy in Decent Nonliberal Culture: A Philosophical Defense
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Despite numerous democratic movements and some successful instances of democratic consolidation in the non-liberal Third World cultures, most observers of democracy in the liberal West equate democracy with liberal democracy conceptually linked to the liberal value of individual freedom. Consequently they deny the possibility of nonliberal democracy by arguing that non-liberal cultures do not advocate the liberal value of individual freedom. In this paper, I argue that democracy is conceptually compatible with non-liberal cultures because democracy is not necessarily tied to the value of individual freedom. I first deconstructthe liberal position on democracy and then construct a broader conception of democracy compatible with nonliberal cultures.
89. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
James Hersh The Impossibility of Democracy: Rawls’s and Rousseau’s Unacknowledged Demand for Irony
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John Rawls, in his Political Liberalism (1993), claims that his justice-as-fairness prescription for liberal democracy does not require its citizens to harbor doubts regarding the truth claims of their religious, philosophical, or moral comprehensive doctrines. Citizens, he says, need not be “hesitant or uncertain, much less skeptical, about [their] own beliefs.” This claim is necessary for the protection of liberty of conscience, a “primary goods”, but it is also necessary to his description of his scheme as a “reasonable utopia” since citizens are not likely to agree to a demand for skepticism. The problem arises for Rawls’s scheme when he says that for a citizen to participate in this political process she must be “reasonable” and that to qualify as “reasonable”, she must acknowledge what Rawls calls the “burdens of judgment” (that is, “limits on what can be reasonably justified to others”). This acknowledgment allows her not only to qualify as reasonable herself, but forces her to concede the reasonableness of other citizens who hold different truth claims from her own. Rawls’s fourth “burden of conscience” is an admission that the truth claims of all citizens, including her own, are conditioned by what Rawls calls her “total experience”. Unless she is willing to make the admission that her truth claims are contingent, a citizen cannot qualify as “reasonable” and is excluded from the conversation of public reason whose purpose is to produce a consensus on justice principles. This leaves his scheme in the category of “unreasonable utopias”.
90. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Marek Hrubec Extra-Territorial Recognition in the Global Age: A Reinvention of Philosophy of the United Nations
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The paper analyzes recognition in relation to the global legal arrangements. It articulates of an extra-territorial recognition of right-holders by means of the development of a philosophical theory of recognition on the global level. It examines contemporary possibilities of extra-territorial recognition that are bound to the nation-states hitherto. The paper indicates an increasing influence of various transnational agents in order to show (1) the possibilities and limits of extra-territorial recognition based on a state-centric approach, and (2) a demand of supranational recognition. Therefore, it maps the development from thecontemporary international system to the system that can contain also important supranational elements. In its practical consequences, it leads not only to rethinking social, political and legal philosophy but also to a philosophical reinvention of the United Nations because a new supranational stage of recognition requires not only a responsibility of the nation-states but also a direct responsibility of non-state transnationalagents.