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Dialogue and Universalism

Volume 21
Studies of Civilizations

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Displaying: 1-20 of 40 documents


poland faces partitioning: two strategies
1. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 3
Andrzej Walicki, Emma Harris The Legacy of the Enlightenment and Some News Dilemmas in the Political Thought of Tadeusz Kościuszko
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2. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 3
Józef Hen, Lesław Kawalec Towards Enlightening Future Citizens
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Faced with the loss of a part of the Polish state’s territory, that is, after the first partitioning of Poland by the neighboring countries—Russia, Austria and Prussia—and fearing even worse possible scenario of the loss of independence, the last king of Poland Stanisław August Poniatowski made a far-sighted decision, which he implemented on 14 October, 1773, by a motion, passed by the Partition Sejm of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, establishing the Commission for National Education, prefiguring the Ministry for National Education. The source of funding was the post-Jesuit property obtained by the suppression of the Jesuit Order by Pope Clement XIV; the order was abolished in Poland, as well.Cracow and Vilna universities were modernized, and these were also entrusted with the direct supervision of secondary schools, created anew as secular ones. Instruction in parochial elementary schools was carried out in Polish only; few of those were set up in the countryside, though. Entries were invited for course books in natural sciences and the history of Poland. Women were included in the state’s educational effort, too.
3. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 3
Jerzy J. Kolarzowski, Lesław Kawalec Russian Military Occupation and Polish Historical Myths
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The early 18th century saw the beginnings of Russian military occupation of Poland, followed by a secret agreement by the neighboring countries, meant to maintain a political status quo in the internal affairs of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Then, the dynamics of the economic transformations of the European continent led to a permanent economic deadlock, particularly in the regions with large agricultural areas, such as Poland. Five years from the turn of the 18th century the Polish polity disappeared from the map of Europe for 123 years. Analyzing the relationships and causes of a number of phenomena related to Old Poland is made all the more difficult by some historical processes which blow some ritual events of limited importance out of proportion, such as theadoption of the Constitution of 3 May (1791; particularly due to its content being rather reactionary); these also glorify the past of the society and the state as a “golden myth” of social harmony in relationships obtaining within the classes and between them.
russia as seen from a literary perspective
4. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 3
Victor Alexandrovich Khoryev Jarosław Iwaszkiewicz’s St. Petersburg Text
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Khoryev regards Petersburg, a collection of essays by Jarosław Iwaszkiewicz, published in 1976, as a windup of the writer’s complex ties with Russian culture and literature, which he was widely known to have loved and known in depth. It is a book where, through the legendary city on the river Neva, Iwaszkiewicz takes a look at a number of essential issues of Russian history and its ties with the history of Poland and the Polish people. Iwaszkiewicz avoids unequivocal judgments, noticing the antinomian nature of St. Petersburg, seen as a being full of contrast but at the same time the center of revolutions and despotism, a manifestation of imperial power and the highest achievements of sophisticated art. These contrasts reveal, in Khoryev’s opinion, the multi-faceted and fullest picture of St. Petersburg and its individuality: so mysterious, overpowering and unique.
5. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 3
Jerzy Niesiobędzki, Lesław Kawalec Russian Classics: Russia on Its Way to Europe
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The editorial note recommending the book by Vladimir Kantor Russkaya Klasika Ili Bytiye Rassiyi communicates that the author (philosopher, novelist and historian) believes that only this culture is fully valuable whose most representative artists’ work turns into classics, thus gaining the status of high culture. It indicates the extent to which the great names of Russian literature write with an awareness that in order to make it into the classics canon of European literature, too, one needs to reckon with the previous work of Dante, Goethe, Schiller, Cervantes, Shakespeare, Hegel, Marx, Feuerbach, Nietzsche, and a number of other prominent representatives of the culture of the West. This is not to say that Pushkin, Goncharov, Tolstoy, Gogol or Dostoyevsky were imitators. By reproducing patterns or themes developed by the literature of the West, they set those in realities fundamentally different from the social realities of the West, often in a polemic vein. Kantor stresses that the great artistic ambitions or the Russian classics are accompanied by great social duties because they lived and created their artin a country that had been lagging behind for centuries. It did catch up at times, but it was successful only as of Czar Peter I, not without periodic regressive collapses, though. The sense of social obligations, characteristic of Russian writers, intellectuals, or intelligentsia, and to be more precise, the implementation of these obligations, enabled Kantor to prove that the progress of literature—the great classics in particular—was linked in Russia with civilizational progress, and that in terms of the weight of these links, Russia was very different in civilizational progress from Europe, which lay ahead civilization-wise.
6. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 3
Bożena Żejmo, Beata Przeździecka Nation and Mission. Russian Literature and National Identity
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According to the Russian tradition literature is something more than only literature. In the special situation, the writers take over functions of scientific disciplines such as philosophy, ethics, the press or the political parties. These trends intensify during critical periods when Russia has to solve a problem of its national identity. The aim of the present text is an attempt to present how contemporary Russian “patriotical” literature is insistently fighting to keep monopoly on spiritual leadership in democratizing Russia. Petrifying specific tradition, the writers are diagnosing all signs of evil, tracing either actual or potential wrongdoers. Their wish is to realize the vision of an autarchic Russia as a special being. Literature not only supports ideology—especially conservative, right—wing ideology, but also becomes the ideology itself.
in the sphere of the russian-soviet empire—on martyrdom
7. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 3
Wiesław Jan Wysocki, Lesław Kawalec Golgotha of the East. Polish Polity in Imperial Russia
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8. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 3
Witold Wasilewski Deceit around the U.S. House of Representatives’ Katyn Committee
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In 1951–1952 a selected committee appointed by the US Congress investigated the circumstances of the so-called Katyn Crime. The reasons why the highest US legislative body undertook the issue hale to be sought in the international situation of the day, which was determined by the Korean War.The “Katyn Committee” was called up on September 18, 1951 by the House of Representatives of the 82nd Congress on the strength of Resolution 390. Sitting on it were Daniel L. Flood, Thaddeus M. Machrowicz, George A. Dondero, Foster Furcolo, Alvin K. O’Konski, Timothy P. Sheenan and Ray J. Madden, who was also appointed its chairman. The committee began interrogating witnesses on October 11, 1951 and closed the interrogations on November 14, 1952. Simultaneously, the committee inspected 183 material exhibits pertaining to the Katyn event. In all the committee took down the testimonies of 81 main and about 200 secondary witnesses as well as about a hundred written testimonies and accounts.The committee’s final report to the House of Representatives clearly stated the responsibility of the Soviet NKVD for the 1940 massacre of around 15,000 Polish officers from POW camps in Kozielsk, Starobielsk and Ostaszków.In response to the committee’s proceedings the east bloc staged a propaganda campaign aimed at discrediting its work and upholding the so-called Katyn Lie—a 1943—originated false version of the events whereby the executions of the Polish officers had been carried out by the Germans in the latter half of 1941.The Soviet government took an official stand on the committee on February 29, 1952. It rejected all possibility of cooperation and underscored the Germans’ responsibility for the massacre. On March 1, 1952 the Polish government issued a statement condemning the committee and reiterating the false version of the Katyn incident. This statement appeared in the March 1 edition of the national daily Trybuna Ludu under the heading, The Polish nation indignantly condemns the cynical provocations of American imperialists, who are feeding on the tragic deaths of thousands of Polish citizens in Katyn.The main wave of attacks on the Madden Committee (as it was called) rolled through the Eastern European press in March, 1952. It was most intense in the Soviet Union and Poland, but also penetrated to other countries like Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria. In the USSR most of the related coverage was published in the communist party daily Pravda. In Poland articles attacking the Madden Committee and propagating the false version of the Katyn events appeared in all dailies and periodicals, including the party, military, youth, branch and satirical press. Especially avid in this respect were papers brought out by the Czytelnik publishers, notably Życie Warszawy. Also published was a deceitful book The Truth About Katyn by Boleslaw Wójcicki.Simultaneously to the press campaign against the Madden Committee the eastern countries launched broad scale repressions involving the prosecution, courts and intelligence services.
9. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 3
Stanisław Dronicz, Lesław Kawalec Dictatorship of the “Proletariat”
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review of the book
10. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 3
Czesław Głogowski From Logos to Trinity. Marian Hillar’s Attempt to Describe the Evolution of Religious Beliefs from Pythagoras to Tertullian
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11. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 2
Editorial: This volume follows up on the universalistic ideas in philosophy and civilization science, and is augmented by some universalistic applications of natural and information sciences
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12. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 2
Katarzyna Chałasińska-Macukow, Lesław Kawalec Inaugural Address by Her Magnificence Rector of the University of Warsaw
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i. nascent polish pantheon of explorers and inventors
13. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 2
Marek Krawczyk Maria Skłodowska-Curie and the Importance of Her Discoveries for Medicine
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14. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 2
Andrew Targowski Paul (Paweł) Baran (1926–2011). Inventor of the Internet, Who Has Made Humanity Communicate
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ii. leszek kołakowski—universalistic thinker?
15. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 2
Józef L. Krakowiak, Lesław Kawalec Leszek Kołakowski between Activist Universalism and Contemplative Mysticism
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The text below should not be treated as a direct source of knowledge on the dynamic of philosophical ideas and attitudes of Leszek Kołakowski, but as an attempt at placing his thinking on the map of the 20th century universalistic thought, i.e. that which is the closest to the editors of Dialogue and Universalism. The starting point of the picture is the category of inorganic body from Marx’s Manuscripts and Two Sources... by Bergson, which enables a non-naturalistic description of the metaphysical perspective of both these activistic anthropologies, speaking of the evolution of mankind in the vein of Hegelian Spirit causality.Another system of reference is A. Badiou’s universalistic but irreligious interpretation of St. Paul’s ideas. Both of these set out an activistic perspective which is confronted with a solely contemplative vision of mysticism, as expressed by Leszek Kołakowski, and a modern concept of belief in what surpasses but does not enslave, which Kołakowski shared with Jaspers and Paul Ricoeur.Against such a notional grid the author seeks to render the peculiar quality of Kołakowski’s pulsating and greatly dialectical metaphysical position, associated with a skeptical attitude of a rationalist in the face of the phenomenon of the world’s indifference that he experiences and within the framework of the continued existential note of the non-atheistic existentialism of Kierkegaard, Jaspers and Pascal in its combination with St. Augustine’s concept of evil, read in the context of Auschwitz and Kolyma. Taken together these ideas sort of form an instrument to express mythical questions about the sense of life and history.
16. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 2
Wojciech Jerzy Bober Leszek Kołakowski as Moralist and Moral Philosopher
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Moral thinking plays an important role in philosophy of Leszek Kołakowski. The paper examines his ethical position as it was presented in Kołakowski’s writings dealing directly with this subject, against the background of those stances that he opposed. In the scope of the author’s interest is the problem of the persistence of some elements and the development of the position in question. Both Kołakowski’s ethical and metaethical reflection is taken into account. In conclusion, Kołakowski’s position is ascribed to the anti-theoretic current in ethics.
iii. studies of civilizations
17. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 2
Eugeniusz Górski, Maciej Bańkowski Democratic Spain and the Ibero-American Community of Nations
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The essay attempts to outline the historical ideological ties between Spain and its former Latin American colonies, with the main accent on the period following Spain’s and most of Latin America’s conversion to democracy in the wake of the fall of the Franco regime and other Latin-American military dictatorships. The author offers a detailed analysis, focusing especially on the democratic, decidedly pro-European and left-liberal government in Spain and its impact on Latin America, most of which today shows clear leftist tendencies. Also discussed are Latin-American reflections on universalism.
18. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 2
Krzysztof Gawlikowski A New Period of the Mutual Rapprochement of the Western and Chinese Civilizations: Towards a Common Appreciation of Harmony and Co-operation
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Since the 1990’s the rise of China provokes heated debates in the West. Numerous politicians and scholars, who study contemporary political affairs, pose the question, which will be the new role of China in international affairs? Many Western observers presume that China will act as the Western powers did in the past, promoting policy of domination, enslavement and gaining profits at all costs. The Chinese declarations on peace, co-operation, mutual interests, and harmony are often considered empty words, a certain decorum of “real politics”, as it had been often practised in the West. An inquiry into the Chinese political and intellectual traditions, almost unknown in the West, challenges such widespread opinions and fears. Of course, it is an open question to which degree the traditional Chinese concepts will determine contemporary policy, since China had been westernised in enormous degree.Nevertheless, attitude to war, struggle, and competition constitutes one of the principal characteristics of each culture and appears closely related to its structure of values. Such attitudes determine political concepts and systems, foreign relations, norms of social life, etc. The analysis of Western and Chinese civilisations demonstrates that in this respect they represented divergent orientations. In Erich Fromm’s typology of societies, the Chinese culture could be considered non-destructive but aggressive, whereas Western civilisation could be called aggressive and destructiveOf course, there were great differences both within Chinese and within Western civilisations. Local/regional cultures belonging to each of them had their own characteristics in respect to struggle, and one could also notice great changes in the course of their histories. In general, at the dawn of these two civilisations, both of them were more or less bellicose, although in the cultures of the Chinese Central Plain “avoiding struggle” traits could be detected quite early. Appreciation of peace and harmony eventually prevailed with the predomination of the Confucian ideology, although Taoism and other schools of thought also condemned struggle and war. On the other hand, in the Mediterranean the bellicose cultures and war-mongering states prevailed. The beginning of this “great divergence” could approximately be dated for the middle of the 1st millennium BC, and the civilisations of East Asia and Europe took the opposite courses in theirsocial and political development. Struggle constituted a fundamental principle in the Western vision of the world-order, and its crucial archetype constituted the eternal struggle of Evil against Good, with the eventual triumph of God, who embodies Good and forces of Light. The Chinese tradition promoted instead the vision of the universe as one giant organism based on the principle of harmony, where Yin complements Yang. Hence both civilisations adopted the dualistic concepts, but one was antagonistic, and the second—complementary.In the 19th century, when Asian nations faced the colonial conquests, many of them tried to protect their independence and modernise themselves. For this end they tried to adopt not only Western armaments and military skills, but also Western bellicose ideology and values. Japan was obviously the champion of such a militarist course, but there were similar tendencies in China as well. Such bellicose ideology reached its apex there during the famous Maoist Cultural Revolution, when class struggle and bellicosity was exalted. The triumph of the Western bellicose approach and rejection of the traditional native heritage marked the century 1860’s–1960’s in China. However, after the unimaginable sufferings of the World War I and II, of Nazism and of communism, the West started to revalidate its traditions condemning war and violence. People started to appreciate peace and co-operation within and among nations. The United Nations and the European Union had been founded for such purposes: to promote peace and co-operation. However, the condemnation of wars did not halt military confrontation of the states, and the West still cultivates political ideologies, which propagate the “proper order” based on competition and struggle. Hence the concepts of multi-party democracy and of free market could serve as hallmarks of the West. In China, since the end of the 1970’s step by step the ancient ideological traditions have been appreciated again and the new concepts of peaceful and harmonious development evolved. At the beginning of the 21st century the Chinese leaders elaborated a new ideology of both harmonious domestic and international order aiming at peaceful development based on co-operation. Of course, there are still vivid the remnants of the previous Western-type approach of the brutal competition and of aggressive foreign policy.Notwithstanding divergent tendencies inside each of these civilisations, in general they both approach each other again, but this time in a common search for peace, cooperation and harmonious development. Their interpretations obviously differ, since in China such concepts are traditional, but rather new in the West, and in various respects both sides have different values and ideals.
19. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 1
Andrew Targowski Civilization’s Impact upon Education in the IIIrd Millennium
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This investigation presents the Civilization Development Curriculum which should impact almost every kind of higher education and particularly should be practiced in educating leaders of world societies. The justification for this plan comes from a historic perspective of education, the state of education at the dawn of the 21st century, and synthesis of learning for work and life, both individually and socially. Then, the civilization approach to education is defined. An example of the civilization development curriculum is offered as well as an octopus strategy for its implementation.
precursors of civilizational science
20. Dialogue and Universalism: Volume > 21 > Issue: 1
Vladimir Alalykin-Izvekov Sorokin’s Contribution to the Civilizational Theory and Science
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