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dissertationes

1. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Dan Batovici

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The collection of texts we read today under the name of Apostolic Fathers has proved to be a very productive source for surveys of the second century Christianity. Due to its heterogeneity, it is hardly a surprise that the question of diakonia, in this corpus, forms a composite image. The aim of this paper is to reassess on comparative basis the material on diakonoi, episkopoi and presbyteroi in the Shepherd of Hermas and Ignatius of Antioch‟s Letters.
2. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Donato Bono

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Following closely the footprint of the traditional New Testament reflection in Rom. 10,16 and in Io. 12,37 (= Is. 53,1), Justin inserts the poem of the SufferingServant (Is. 52,13-53,12) within his account of the paradoxical and problematic refusal of Israel (1 apol. 50,2.3-11; 51,1-5; 52,3), and within a impressive baptismal catechesis (dial. 13,2-9), the most primitive echo of which is seen in Act. 8,26-40. Notwithstanding the view offered by other scholars, the Christian hermeneutics of Is. 53, has played an incisive role in the theological reflection of the first Christian community. Justin witnesses to its use within a reflection that takes into consideration the tension and negativity among early Christians surrounding the relationship between the two Testaments. He overcomes this tension by pointing out the perfect harmony between them, the essence of which is found in the prophecy of the Servant of YHWH.
3. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Manlio Simonetti

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The Author, taking account of the deficiencies of the surviving documentation on the doctrinal thought of the 2nd and 3rd centuries, and considering the primacy of oral communication, nevertheless rejects the conclusion of a recent article on Origen’s doctrine of the Logos. There are no concrete data in the work of the Alexandrian theologian to support the hypothesis that he engaged in controversy with radical supporters of the doctrine of the Logos, who – as Arians ante litteram – separated the Son from the divinity of the Father. Moreover, one cannot ascribe to Origen’s age the debate against those who supported the Son as being homoousios with the Father. According to extant documentation, this question is not raised before the dispute of the two Dionysiuses. In order to attempt reconstruction of the theological reasoning in the early Church, while at the same time avoiding hypotheses which, however intriguing they may seem, are simplynot well-founded, analysis must confine itself to the extant documents.
4. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Mark DelCogliano

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Both Origen and Basil of Caesarea report that some people saw Ps. 115,2 LXX – “ I said in my alarm, ' Every human being is a liar ' ” -- as an expression of the Liar Paradox and formulated a version of the paradox based upon it. But Ps. 115,2 is actually not susceptible to the Liar paradox, despite Origen and Basil believing it to be so. Not realizing this, both sought to undermine the possibility that Ps. 115,2 did express the Liar paradox by offering a contextual exegesis, in which they argue that the speaker of the verse, David, can be considered a god, not a human being.
5. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Gabriele Marasco

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It is generally held that in late antiquity the accusation of magic was used by Christians to attack the pagans. However, there is quite ample documentationto show that Christians themselves resorted to this, in doctrinal disputes, to strike at their respective adversaries, in particular the bishops and their principal collaborators. With such a charge, they not only aroused the fears of the masses, but also provoked the intervention of the imperial authorities, bringing about the removal and the exile of those condemned and even, in the case of Priscilian, their execution. The efficacy of this accusation was facilitated by a widespread faith and the terror of magic, but also by the ambiguity of the powers of the magician, which could be easily confused with the supernatural powers of a saint. In fact, the distinction depended on the source of those powers, respectively, demons and God.
6. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Carlo Nardi

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Important issues of Sinaitic and Byzantine hesychasm suggest the hypothesis of ancient derivations from the movement of the Passalorynchites or theTascodrugites, which has connections with the Montanist world. This religious experience, still alive in the fourth century, had peculiar modalities of prayer connected with breathing discipline, similar to respiration techniques present in hesychasm during the first centuries of second millennium. The article emphasizes spiritual ways that demonstrate an underground continuity between ancient uses and noteworthy aspects of Byzantine monasticism and its developments, especially in Slavic traditions.
7. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Andrew Hofer

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John Chrysostom’s De sacerdotio offers a reordering of social relationships that can be seen in comparison with the life and writings of Gregory of Nazianzus.Chrysostom understands that the priest’s relationship with Christ carries the priest above the laws of relationship governing earthly society, such as in friendship and family. By emphasizing the priesthood’s transcendent character even further than what Gregory had done, Chrysostom frees the priest from the pressures of constricting social laws so that the priest may live according to Christ alone. Chrysostom’s dialogue thus prepares us to encounter his own ministry, known by both admirers and detractors for flagrant disregard of elite society’s expectations.
8. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Roberta Franchi

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In classical and Christian literature mountain symbolism takes many forms deriving from height and center. In so far as mountains are tall, lofty, and rise abruptly to touch heaven, they form part of the symbolism of transcendence and, in so far as they are often numinous places where the gods have revealed their presence, they share in the symbolism of manifestation. According to Gospel’s tradition, in Nonnus’ Paraphrase of St. John’s Gospel, the mountain, visible home of the invisible God, situated next to the deity on account of its high peak and solitude, takes on a symbolic value in revealing the role of Christ and his future elevation on the Cross.
9. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Rocco Ronzani

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The Gelasian letter, Famuli uestrae pietatis, addressed to Emperor Anastasius I (491-518), is famous for the so-called theory of two powers that has enjoyedconsiderable fortune and has received continual attention in the history and thought of the Latin West in view of its arguments about the relationshipbetween the Church and secular power. Scholars have been primarily interested in the Wirkungsgeschichte of the letter. Less frequently studied is the letter's specific religious context, characterized by the Acacian schism (484- 519), the dispute between the episcopal sees of Rome and Constantinople. This article seeks to situate this document from the late fifth-century Roman pontifical chancery in its specific historical and ecclesial context, and to provide a commentary on the entire letter. A brief, final chapter offers a synthetic excursus on the immediate reception of the text in the Early Middle Ages before the Gregorian Reform.

recensiones

10. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Manuel Martínez Miravete

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11. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Francesco Corsaro

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12. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Gabriele Marasco

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13. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Franco Gori

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14. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Camille Gerzaguet

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15. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Juan Antonio Jiménez Sánchez

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16. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Rocco Ronzani

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17. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Paola Santorelli

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18. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Vittorino Grossi

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19. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Bazyli Degórski

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20. Augustinianum: Volume > 51 > Issue: 2
Angelo Maria Vitale

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