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dissertationes

1. Augustinianum: Volume > 50 > Issue: 1
Manlio Simonetti

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In relation to the recent monograph of Karmann on Meletius of Antioch, some important episodes concerning the Arian controversy in the East between 360 and 364 are examined. The presence of the Meletians at the Council of Alexandria in 362 is ruled out and the meaning of the Trinitarian and Christological formulas in the Tomus ad Antiochenos is critically evaluated. The more political than doctrinal meaning of the formula issued by the Council of Antioch in 363 is accentuated, and the significance of the contentious relationship between Athanasius and Meletius is considered in depth. That the doctrinal decisions of the Alessandrian council of 362 might have anticipated the passage from Nicenism to Neo – Nicenism is ruled out; this is confirmed by the Trinitarian reflection of Basil of Caesarea.
2. Augustinianum: Volume > 50 > Issue: 1
Antonio Bueno Ávila

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This article shows the close relationship that exists between two fundamental concepts in the theological doctrine of Origen of Alexandria: “fullness” and“participation”. These two concepts have been the subject of many earlier studies. However, they treated the topic in a more restricted sense, exploring very specific aspects of Origenian theology. The originality of this study lies in demonstrating how both concepts recur frequently in his theological thinking, give it a framework and hold his thought together. They consequently systematize and make possible a perfect synthesis of all his thinking.
3. Augustinianum: Volume > 50 > Issue: 1
Giuseppe Bartolozzi

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This study intends to show how the essential elements in the debate over the divinity of the Son provoked by Arianism are already present within the Alessandrian Church during the first decades of the 3rd century. From the works of Origen it becomes apparent that his teaching on the eternity of the Logos intends to oppose those who asserted a temporal beginning thus separating the Logos from the divinity of the Father, which allows us to define them as radical supporters of the theology of the Logos. Against this doctrine, there is an identified opposition which probably utilized the term ὁμοούσιος to indicate to the contrary the divinity of the Son; nevertheless Origen, while proposing that the Son is generated from the ousia of the Father, does not share this teaching because in his theology the Son remains subordinate to the Father.
4. Augustinianum: Volume > 50 > Issue: 1
Clara Burini De Lorenzi

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The present study propose a comparison between Origen and Ambrose with regard to Magnificat’s exegesis: Origen (HLc VIII) explain the hymn for above all to prove the manifestation of the Spirit in Mary and in Mary as well as in every perfect soul but the soul’s perfection be realized only by using virtuous life following the virtuous Mary’s example. Whereas the Ambrose’s exegesis (Exp. in Lc. 2,26-28) emphasize the Mary’s faith, model for our faith. “Anima mea magnificat Dominum” in Origen’s exegesis convey primarily a psychic and spiritual typus while a ethic typus in Ambrose's interpretation.
5. Augustinianum: Volume > 50 > Issue: 1
Antonio Grappone

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The article begins by noting that the first mention of the Correspondence between Seneca and Paul appears in De viris illustribus of Jerome. After a summary of the status quaestionis, it examines the context of the De viris, particularly the information on Seneca. Then the article presents an analysis of some aspects of the Correspondence in order to highlight the harmony between the views of the Correspondence and the ideas of Jerome, especially the considerations on the inadequacy of the language of the Pauline letters. After finding other reasons of convergence, we formulate a hypothesis about the origin of the Correspondence.
6. Augustinianum: Volume > 50 > Issue: 1
Susan Wessel

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Jerome and John Chrysostom explored the disgust and revulsion that people often feel when confronted with the suffering of another human being. Theyattempted morally to reform their listeners by showing them that they were just as vulnerable as those whom they disparaged, and by breaking down false barriers between the self and other. Jerome presented graphic details of one woman’s ministry to the sick and poor, while Chrysostom criticized the aloofspectator who encouraged the sick and poor to perform. Disgust was thereby re-conceived as an inappropriate response to human suffering.
7. Augustinianum: Volume > 50 > Issue: 1
Matthew Alan Gaumer

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This article identifies the context of Augustine's theology of grace. His disappointing experiences as a priest and young bishop impacted his theological notions of gratia, especially as they would mature during the Pelagian crisis. Using Cyprian as an authority, Augustine argued against the Donatist idea of grace solely through membership in the 'pure' church and sacramental grace only via ministers free from ecclesial-sin (traditio). Instead, Augustine argued that all grace is solely through God and that all humanity and the earthly Church was a mixed body of the fallen and blessed and in need of divine grace.
8. Augustinianum: Volume > 50 > Issue: 1
Gregor K. Wenning, Felix Geser

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It is the intention of this article on De Trinitate by St. Augustine to show that his doctrine is built upon applied epistemology aimed at the acquisition ofintellectus fidei. The main part of this paper explores the Augustinian search for vestigia trinitatis which reveals striking “psychological analogues” of thedivine trinity present in the human mind (Books 8-15). A mystical union with the holy trinity, however, appears impossible due to the impar imago of thehuman mind.
9. Augustinianum: Volume > 50 > Issue: 1
Francesca Tasca

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The article examines the food-implications that Augustine assigns to the different groups catalogued in the unfinished work De haeresibus. The aim isto check whether eating habits (and, if so, what eating habits) could be a criterion of heretical identity and identification. On concluding the examination it was found that the eating habits identified by Augustine are a very significant component (and sometimes even discriminatory) used to determine the heretical character of individual dissident groups. However, this same plurality of eating habits which sometimes oppose each other, cannot be reduced to a single paradigm which is able to define the quid faciat hereticum in a broader and more comprehensive manner. In Augustine‟s mind, the heretical identity (and identification) is not reducible to a standard and unique formula.
10. Augustinianum: Volume > 50 > Issue: 1
Franco Gori

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The attribution of De vocatione omnium gentium to Prosper of Aquitaine, from the 17th century, has been the object of multiple debates, the results of whichare consolidated in the introduction to the critical edition of the tractate found in CSEL 97 (OAW 2009) in which the manuscript tradition was represented by a forked crest. The editors have considered the variae lectiones as errors, which differentiate two lines of transmission, not incorporated into the text of the edition. The variae lectiones, however, according to the claims of Franco Gori, would be due, rather, to the intentional and intelligent interventions of a proofreader or an editor, perhaps by the author himself.
11. Augustinianum: Volume > 50 > Issue: 1
Adriana Bottino

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From the starting point of Jesus's double self-definition as 'Door' in John 10.1-10 (10.7.9), in the solemn context of a disquisition on revelation, introduced by the formula Amen Amen and by I AM, indicating Christ as mediator, the article proposes a rereading and reinterpretation of some Greek and Latin authors from 4th to 6th century. By examining the meaning of the term Door, one can seize several aspects that go beyond the text: the statement mediation towards the Father, the different ways of the mediation: the salvific one, the ecclesiological side, the application to moral, ascetic, spiritual life and the escathological emphasis.

recensiones

12. Augustinianum: Volume > 50 > Issue: 1

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